The echo of the sea – written on the day of the trial of Zan Aizong
Author: Zhijun Zhang Translator: Cheng Ming
There is always fog in Hangzhou in autumn. The fog came from the Qiantang River and climbed up along the stone cracks of the river embankment, blurring the streetlights and pedestrians. In such a season, someone walks into the court and becomes a defendant. That man’s name is Zan Aizong.
(Before his arrest, Zan Aizong (middle) and Zou Wei (right) were at Zhu Yufu’s (left) house)
His name will never appear in the words of Chinese news. His name was put in the column of “suspected of causing trouble”. This word is too familiar. It is like a black bag that always opens its mouth and can throw people into it at any time. Zan Aizong only went to the beach to pay tribute to a deceased person, but he lost his freedom because of it.
I think of Liu Xiaobo. He died in prison. His name originally belonged to books and medals, but now it is deliberately forgotten by the Chinese government. Zan Aizong and his friends didn’t want to forget, so they went to the seaside. They faced the sea and scattered the petals into the waves. The sea water swallowed the petals and also swallowed their silence and prayers. At this moment, the memorial became a crime.
Zan Aizong was born in the plains of Anhui Province in the autumn of 1969. In China at that time, hunger and poverty covered the countryside like a shadow. He came out and became a writer. He writes essays, comments, and stories that he doesn’t want to be annihilated. He is a Christian and an independent writer. He joined the Independent Chinese Pen Association and stood with those who believed in freedom of writing.
He often walks on the edge. The police will follow him, and the national security will talk to him. During the 20th National Congress, he was even taken to “travel”. The so-called travel was actually surveillance and isolation. He understood all this and never pretended not to understand. He just continued to write, continued to speak, and continued to live as a sober person.
On July 13, 2024, the tide of Haining surged. Zan Aizong came to the mouth of the Qiantang River with several friends. The sky was not clear that day, and the sea breeze tasted salty. They didn’t make a fuss. They just lit candles, scattered petals, and recited a name – Liu Xiaobo.
This is a quiet ceremony. It was so quiet that there was no third sound except for the sound of wind and waves. But such a quiet commemoration is regarded as a dangerous act. At midnight, the police car cut through the darkness and took them away.
I remember a sentence: human life is to endure all the time. But some people don’t just endure it, they also keep their memories in it.
In Hangzhou on September 15, 2025, there must be fog at the gate of the court. Zan Aizong walked in and sat on the dock. The words on the indictment were cold, and it was written as “seeking trouble”.
The judge will definitely ask him: Do you plead guilty? And he probably raised his head and said in a slightly hoarse voice: I just went to the beach to pay tribute to someone.
The law can’t accept such an answer.
Maybe the person sitting under the court has complicated eyes. Friends may be blocked outside the court and can’t even get close. The air is full of absurdity: in other countries, people can erect statues for deceased poets, writers and thinkers; here, it is a crime to go to the beach to offer flowers.
Zan Aizong is not a hero. He is just an ordinary writer, a believer, and a person who is unwilling to lose his memory. But because of the ordinary, what happened to him was even more heartbreaking.
Under the current rule of the Communist Party of China, forgetting is the cheapest thing. There are new news and hot spots every day, covering up yesterday. Zsn Aizong refused to forget. He knew that Liu Xiaobo’s name could not disappear, even if it was just called out in a low voice by the sea.
The persistence of this memory is like a stubborn belief. It has no guns, no team, no slogan, but it is sharper than any slogan.
The waves surged again and again, erasing the footprints on the shore and the petals away. But the sea will not forget. The sea is a huge memory, which preserves the cheers and cries of human beings, and the secrets that cannot be written down in official files.
Zan Aizong entrusted his conscience to the sea. Hai responded to him, but he couldn’t protect him. So, he walked into the detention center and the court.
I always feel that this story has a strong sense of absurdity of Yuhua style: a man went to the beach to scatter flowers and was told that it was “making trouble”; a writer became a defendant because he paid tribute to another writer. Reality itself is more absurd than the novel.
In fact, solidarity with the Aizong is also solidarity with us.
On July 13, 2024, I also planned the activity of worshipping Liu Xiaobo in the sea, but I was in the Santa Monica Sea. They entered the sea of the Qiantang River. We returned home safely, and they were locked up in an autocratic cage.
We want to ask: He was tried today because of the sea sacrifice. Who else will he be tomorrow? If even the freedom of commemoration is deprived, what kind of silence will we live in?
His experience reminds us that memories need to be guarded, and consciences need to be borne by someone. Maybe each of us can’t walk to the beach like him, but at least we can remember his name and why he was tried.
In autumn in Hangzhou, the fog will still rise from the river. The trial in the court will eventually end, and the verdict will be on paper. But I believe that the sea breeze of the Qiantang River in those years has brought the petals of Zan Aizong to a further place.
There is Liu Xiaobo there, and there are countless people who have passed away. On the other side of the sea, they saw a middle-aged writer bending down and throwing petals into the wave.
And we should also remember.
(The photo is the scene of the Santa Monica Beach memorial service to the 7th anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s death planned by the author on July 13, 2024)
— Speech Is Not a Crime,Free All Prisoners of Conscience
Summary: Chinese Democracy Party member Zou Wei faces trial on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” for commemorating Liu Xiaobo. Mourning is not a crime; freedom of expression is a universal right. We call out: Zou Wei is innocent—release him immediately!
Author/Editor: Li Congling Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng
On July 13, 2024, Chinese Democracy Party members Zan Aizong, Zou Wei, and others were brutally arrested by the authorities simply for holding a commemoration for Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo by the Qiantang River. On July 20, Zou Wei was placed under criminal detention on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” and on August 26 he was formally arrested. Now, he is about to stand trial in Hangzhou’s Gongshu District Court, facing a political trial that is certain to be unjust.
In the eyes of the authorities, mourning is a crime, speech is a crime, conscience is a crime. But in the hearts of the people, mourning is humanity, speech is a right, conscience is light. Today, we must raise our voices: Support Zou Wei! Speech is not a crime! Free all prisoners of conscience!
Liu Xiaobo was the most internationally influential democracy activist in contemporary China. Through nonviolent resistance and civic courage, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. His passing was not only a great loss to the intellectual community but also a tragedy for China’s democratic movement. Every conscientious Chinese citizen has the right to mourn him. Zou Wei, Zan Aizong, and others merely raised a banner by the Qiantang River in remembrance—a peaceful, lawful, and legitimate act. They disturbed no social order, threatened no public safety, and harmed no one’s interests. On the contrary, their actions embodied civic duty and responsibility. Yet the authorities treated mourning as a threat and memory as an enemy. For dictators, commemorating Liu Xiaobo means reminding the world that resistance continues, that there are still people brave enough to say “no.” To them, this memory is more dangerous than any weapon.
“Picking quarrels and provoking trouble” has become the most common political tool used by the regime. It is a vague, catch-all charge that can be pinned on anyone at will. From rights lawyers to independent scholars, from street protesters to online voices, countless outspoken citizens have been suppressed under this accusation. But we must ask: who is really picking quarrels? Is it the citizens who raise banners in mourning, or the regime that fears such mourning? Is it those who peacefully express themselves, or the machinery of power that arrests dissenters at every turn?
Freedom of expression is not a “Western privilege”—it is a basic right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Even the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which the Chinese government itself signed, guarantees freedom of thought, speech, and assembly. Today’s persecution is not only immoral but also a violation of international law. A regime that cannot tolerate mourning, that fears even criticism, is the true “provoker of trouble.”
Who is Zou Wei? He is a member of the China Democracy Party, a citizen of conviction. His actions involve no violence, no incitement, no destruction. His only “crime” is choosing to speak out courageously under authoritarian repression. Today, the authorities may imprison his body, but they cannot imprison his inner freedom. Like all prisoners of conscience in history, his name will be remembered, and his perseverance will inspire many more.
We must reaffirm: Zou Wei is innocent! Release him immediately! To let a man of conscience be wrongfully punished exposes the absurdity of the system; to imprison a democracy activist only makes the ugliness of tyranny clearer to the world.
History tells us this: when power criminalizes mourning and speech, silence from society is tantamount to endorsing dictatorship. This is why we call on the international community to keep a close watch on the Zou Wei case and to continue pressuring the regime. Governments, human rights organizations, and media worldwide must not turn a blind eye to such injustice. Only when global attention and external pressure exist will authoritarianism feel any restraint. We also call on citizens, at home and abroad, to show solidarity: share the news of Zou Wei’s case, publicly express support, and help more people learn the truth. Freedom must be spread, conscience must be passed on. Speaking up for Zou Wei today is speaking up for the future of us all.
Freedom of expression is the foundation of all freedoms. Without it, freedom is an empty shell, and society becomes a prison of fear. The case of Zou Wei once again proves the regime’s deep fear and hostility toward freedom. It fears people honoring their heroes, fears people remembering history, fears truth sparking light in the darkness. But it is precisely this fear that reveals the fragility of tyranny. Dictatorship can imprison bodies but not souls; it can suppress the present but not the future. Though darkness looms, sparks are already burning. Today, we shout: Free Zou Wei! Free all prisoners of conscience! Speech is not a crime! Democracy will prevail!
What is unfolding is not only the trial of Zou Wei but also a trial of China’s collective conscience. The authorities want people to forget Liu Xiaobo, silence citizens, and freeze history. But we will not forget, we will not be silenced, we will not remain quiet. As long as there are voices, as long as there is memory, dictatorship cannot last forever. Zou Wei’s perseverance will be a beacon of awakening for many more. Let us unite in support of Zou Wei and all those persecuted for pursuing freedom. Their freedom is our freedom; their fate is our fate.
Zou Wei is innocent! Release Zou Wei! Speech is not a crime! Free all prisoners of conscience!
Photo: From left to right — Zou Wei, Zhu Yufu, Xu Guang, and Chen Kaiping, taken during the 2022 Spring Festival at Xu Guang’s home.
— A Pioneer Who Holds the Candle Through the Long Dark Night
Interviewer: Zhang Zhijun Recording: Chang Kun Transcription: Lin Xiaolong Background Research: Chen Ting Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng
Mr. Xie Changfa is one of the driving forces behind the relaunch of the China Democracy Party’s journal Opposition Party and serves as one of its Honorary Chief Editors. In this issue, the interviewer, together with Opposition Party magazine, explores Mr. Xie’s path of democracy and experiences the hardships of his journey.
In 1998, with the founding of the China Democracy Party, Mr. Xie Changfa served as the party’s regional leader in Hunan, tirelessly advocating for multi-party competition, political reform, and democratic elections. Due to his active involvement, in 2009 the Chinese Communist authorities convicted him on the charge of “subversion of state power” and sentenced him to 13 years in prison. Mr. Xie is the China Democracy Party member who received the longest sentence in the case, and he steadfastly refused to plead guilty or have a single day reduced from his term.
During the 1998 party-building movement, Mr. Xie stood at the forefront. He traveled across regions, held discussions, organized demonstrations, and applied for official registration. In Hunan alone, several activists were sentenced, including Tong Shidong, Liao Shihua, Zhang Shanguang, Bai Xiaomao, He Zhaohui, and Li Wangyang. Mr. Xie narrowly escaped the first wave of arrests, and afterward, he resolutely took up the responsibility of leading the Hunan Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party.
In the Spring Festival of 2008, when pro-democracy friends from seven or eight provinces and cities gathered, the Changsha “national security” police issued severe warnings. As a tactical move, Mr. Xie gave up hosting that gathering, with the sole purpose of securing more freedom of movement for himself so that he could continue promoting the organization of the China Democracy Party’s first national congress.
In China, engaging in the democracy movement requires a spirit of sacrifice, and Mr. Xie dedicated himself to it wholeheartedly. He accepted a life of poverty and provided financial assistance to no fewer than a hundred fellow activists, in amounts totaling over 100,000 yuan.
When the journalist connected with Mr. Xie for this interview, what appeared was an elderly man with white hair but a youthful face, speaking with vigor. Imprisonment had not eroded his heroic spirit. In conversation, one could once again glimpse the spirited young man of the party-building years—walking upright, resolute, and unyielding on the path forward alone.
(Photo: The journalist in a video call with Mr. Xie Changfa, during which constant interference was present.)
Zhang Zhijun: Mr. Xie, peace and health to you! You are now an Honorary Chief Editor of Opposition Party magazine and one of the main driving forces behind its relaunch. How do you view Opposition Party?
Mr. Xie: If we want to enter a truly democratic society, we must have our own theoretical publication. Theory is like a lighthouse, and Opposition Party provides such thought—it illuminates the road ahead for the Chinese people and points the way toward future possibilities.
Zhang: Did you ever read the early issues of Opposition Party while you were still inside China?
Xie: Yes, I did. Zhu Yufu gave me the magazine. At that time, I thought it was excellent! Since the China Democracy Party is a party competing with the Communist Party of China, it must have its own publication—that gave us a theoretical foundation.
Zhang: When the Hunan Provincial Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party was established, what was going through your mind?
Xie: I had reached private agreements with leaders in Zhejiang, Hunan, Hubei, Shanghai, Beijing, Guizhou, and other places that we must bravely establish the party. In 1998, because I was relatively active publicly, we went ahead and formed the Hunan branch of the Democracy Party. We submitted an application to the Hunan Provincial Civil Affairs Department to register the Hunan Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party. Four of us went together—myself, a professor from Beihang University, a professor from Changsha University, and another from Xiangtan University.
Zhang: When founding the party, you did many things to advance the process, such as traveling to connect with activists in different regions. What forged this ability of yours?
Xie: Back in 1983, when I was an assistant engineer at the Changsha Steel Plant, I founded the “Good Friends Society.” I even hand-wrote its sign with a calligraphy brush. At that time, over 20 democrats came together. The purpose was to seek like-minded comrades, travel, and exchange ideas. During those gatherings, I gradually learned organizational skills. Organization is important, but the prerequisite is good character—without that, you cannot win people’s trust. Such associations laid the foundation for party building. Founding a party and forming associations follow the same principle.
Zhang: What factors made you realize China’s systemic problems and pushed you onto the road of democracy?
Xie: While studying at Central South University, I kept thinking: Article 2 of the PRC Constitution states that all power belongs to the people. Article 35 says citizens enjoy freedom of publication, speech, assembly, and association. We were the first to apply to register a political party in accordance with the Constitution and to form a preparatory committee. But the Communist Party of China did not honor its word—it deceived us. I have studied history extensively and understand that “trust is the safeguard of the nation and the peace of the people.” A country that does not keep its word will face great trouble.
Zhang: You were sentenced to two years of re-education through labor for supporting the students of 1989. How did you oppose the Communist suppression at that time?
Xie: On February 28, 1989, the Changsha Municipal Party Committee mobilized staff from factories to rural poverty-alleviation projects. I was assigned as an engineer to Guandu Township in Liuyang City. I often listened to Voice of America broadcasts and got outside information. On the morning of June 4, when I heard the “gunfire” in Beijing, I realized a revolution might be beginning. Around 7 a.m., I went to Liuyang High School, where I knew several male students. I showed them my work ID and encouraged them: “Beijing has already suppressed the student movement. We must rise up, because we are students too.”
Zhang: Did you only encourage them, and then get arrested? How did the authorities find out what you were doing?
Xie: Those students spontaneously donated money to buy pens, ink, and paper, and wrote many slogans on the streets of Guandu: “Oppose the suppression of the student movement,” “Oppose dictatorship,” and so on. On December 16, the head and deputy head of a section of the Changsha State Security Bureau took me from my factory to the city’s No. 1 Detention Center. I was sentenced to two years of re-education through labor. The section chief who arrested me was named Luo Haijiao.
Zhang: Was there anything especially unforgettable during your time in the labor camp?
Xie: According to the system then, they withheld part of my factory wages to “offset” my sentence—that was a form of corruption. In our cell there were 45 political prisoners from across the country, including professors. Compared to ordinary criminals, our labor was relatively light—we only worked half-days, while the others had to work all day.
Zhang: During your second imprisonment of thirteen years, did you experience mistreatment?
Xie: The guards read my writings—one even admired me—so my treatment was relatively decent. I also received outside support: people sent funds, and with money you could buy better food inside prison. Plus, I know how to deal with people, so most treated me well. Early on, I was slapped once.
At Chishan Prison in Hunan, a guard named Liu Hong once struck me on the head with a plastic board. It wasn’t heavy, but it was malicious. My younger brother bravely protested by holding banners at Yuelu Mountain’s Yunlu Palace and outside the prison gate reading “Challenge the wicked guard Liu Hong one-on-one!” Because of this action and outside support, I heard both the prison warden and Liu Hong were transferred, though I don’t know if they were punished.
Another activist I knew, Li Wangyang from Shaoyang, was tortured until he was deaf and blind. Those with better finances could survive more easily; the poor sometimes could not bear it and attempted suicide.
Zhang: What was your mental state when you were arrested for party building?
Xie: My mindset was good. As the Buddhists say: “If I don’t go to hell, who will?” Since I had chosen this road, I was prepared. During my first re-education, one cadre admired something I wrote: “If an excellent party does not have a strong institution to supervise it, it will eventually become corrupt and degenerate.” And: “A party that forbids truth will collapse.” I was doing the right thing, so I had no regrets.
Zhang: Mr. Zhu Yufu once said you invested the money you earned from business entirely into the democratic movement.
Xie: In 1999, I started small businesses and traveled to 26 provinces and regions to encourage others. I majored in rolling steel in university, so I used my expertise to promote and sell nationwide. On those trips, I also talked about policy and party building. To achieve great things, one must work tirelessly. To attract talent, one must grow like a snowball. We must grasp the tide of history.
Zhang: What was the main charge the CCP used when sentencing you to 13 years?
Xie: “Subversion of state power.” They saw me gathering many people and traveling to so many places. From 1999 to June 2008, I worked relatively covertly.
Zhang: For nearly a decade, they didn’t know what you were doing?
Xie: At first, they didn’t. Earlier, I met a student in Gansu named Wang Fengshan—his brother was the Party Secretary of Harbin. Wang told me about another activist, Yue Tianxiang, who had been sentenced to 10 years for “inciting subversion.” I invited them to Changsha on June 8. Wang, his brother, and Yue came. While eating and chatting, I discussed ideas for convening the Democracy Party’s first national congress. That information spread, and soon after, I was arrested.
Zhang: After being released, how have you been?
Xie: My condition has been fairly good. On February 20, 2023, I suddenly developed diabetes. My younger brother has helped me greatly. Although the illness has eased, I still have mild aftereffects and must continue taking medicine. I now live alone, but my family has been supportive. On weekends I attend church services.
Zhang: Do you have any words for young people today?
Xie: Young people of good character and proper upbringing must bravely unite. I think what Chinese people most lack is the spirit of courageous unity. As long as people unite and more and more excellent compatriots bring their strengths, we can compete to create a democratic and free society.
Young people should pursue their specialties and ideals, and those with great aspirations can be guided, inspired, and encouraged. They should also apply their learning—study how Germany developed its economy, how the U.S. established separation of powers, keep learning and applying. Only then will China’s democratic path have hope.
Zhang: Mr. Xie, after everything you’ve endured, if you could live your life again, would you take the same path in the democracy movement?
Xie: One must begin well and end well. If you choose a great cause, you must never regret it. I do not regret my actions, and I have confidence in ultimate victory. I know this is a great historical trend. We must continue the democratic cause, unite more young people of good character, culture, and knowledge, and we will win. We will be able to compete for a truly democratic and free society—we will win the hearts of the people.
Journalist’s Note:At this point in the interview, I realized that words alone cannot fully capture the storms and hardships Mr. Xie has endured. His steadfastness and faith have already left an indelible mark in the long struggle against tyranny. The road ahead remains perilous, yet it is precisely because of people like Mr. Xie that the dream of democracy in China has never been extinguished. His final words to the youth and his vision of an ideal nation reflect the hopes of generations of righteous men and women who have guarded justice in China.
May those who read this interview ignite their own small light within, passing the flame forward.
(Photo: Mr. Xie Changfa, far left, during the founding period of the China Democracy Party in 1998, taken in Hangzhou. In the back row, center is Mr. Mao Qingxiang, and on the right is Mr. Zhu Yufu.)
Author/Editor: Zhong Ran Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng
Three months, three incidents of mass student poisoning. On September 11 and 12, 2025, two cases occurred back-to-back. Readers hardly had time to distinguish which school was involved before the related information was “harmonized” (censored).
On September 12, 2025, at Chaoyang School in Yanzhou District, Jining City, Shandong Province, China, 138 teachers and students suffered food poisoning and were sent to the hospital with symptoms such as vomiting and abdominal pain.
The day before, on September 11, 2025, a food poisoning incident occurred at Puning Huamei Experimental School in Shanwei City, Guangdong Province, affecting 94 elementary school students.
Just two months earlier, in July 2025, more than 200 children at a kindergarten in Tianshui City, Gansu Province, northwest China, showed symptoms of lead poisoning. Test results revealed that the lead content in food samples from the kindergarten exceeded the national safety standard by 2,000 times, and a total of 233 children at Peixin Kindergarten were found to have excessive levels of lead in their blood.
Looking back, ever since the rise of the internet, the issue of food safety for children has repeatedly entered the public spotlight. From incidents that once shocked the entire nation to cases that now occur one after another, people have gradually developed a kind of “immunity” to such news, merely hoping that the next report will not involve their own child’s school.
In 2004, in Fuyang, Anhui Province, multiple infants developed malnutrition after consuming substandard “fake milk powder,” resulting in the “big head baby” symptom—heads disproportionately large compared to their bodies. In the end, at least 13 infants died and hundreds were harmed. This was one of the earliest child food safety scandals in China to shock the entire nation.
In 2008, it was revealed nationwide that infant formula had been widely adulterated with melamine to artificially inflate protein content, with the Sanlu Group being a typical example. Across the country, at least 300,000 infants developed urinary tract stones, more than 50,000 were hospitalized, and 6 died. The impact of this incident was enormous—the Premier at the time even visited affected children in the hospital. However, the fundamental problems behind the scandal were never effectively resolved afterward.
On October 18, 2018, a food safety scandal broke out at Shanghai SMIC Private School, where tuition fees reached as high as 60,000 RMB per semester. Some parents reported that their children complained of not getting enough to eat. When the parent group communicated with the school and inspected the kitchen, they found that the tomatoes and onions stored there were already severely rotten and spoiled.
In September 2018, cases of student food poisoning occurred in primary and secondary schools in Baoshan, Jiantian, and Shunfeng Townships of Wan’an County, Jiangxi Province. The cause was traced to the “Zhen Baiwei” company, which had won the education bureau’s contract to provide unified nutritious meals. The meals were found to be moldy and spoiled, leading to abdominal pain, vomiting, and other symptoms among students after consumption.
In March 2019, parents of students at Chengdu No. 7 Experimental School in Sichuan conducted an on-site visit to the cafeteria and filmed footage showing piles of moldy vegetables, expired meat, and even rats running rampant in the storage area. The video spread widely online, sparking a huge public outcry.
In 2019, history repeated itself in Chenzhou, Hunan Province, with the reemergence of a “Big Head Baby” incident. Infants, after being misled by doctors into consuming the solid drinks “Shuer Tai” and “Beianmin” as if they were infant formula, developed malnutrition, delayed intellectual development, and cranial deformities, resulting in serious health problems.
In June 2023, a female student at Jiangxi Vocational and Technical College of Industry discovered a foreign object in her cafeteria meal that appeared to be a “rat’s head.” After she uploaded photos online, the issue quickly went viral. However, the local Market Supervision Bureau concluded that it was a “duck’s neck,” which triggered widespread public skepticism. The phrase “rat head, duck neck” briefly became a trending buzzword on the internet. This case turned into one of the most representative crises of trust in campus food safety in recent years.
The “rat head, duck neck” controversy was nothing short of a modern version of “pointing at a deer and calling it a horse.” One shocking food safety scandal after another continues to unfold, while officials’ promises to “give an explanation” ultimately amount to nothing more than a strip of tape sealing the mouths of the public.
— China’s Prominent Rights Defender Zou Wei Faces Trial
Author: Fan Zhanping Editor-in-Chief: Zhang Zhijun Translator: Lyu Feng
The Gongshu District Procuratorate of Hangzhou has officially indicted Zou Wei, the leading rights defender in Zhejiang. What is both absurd and laughable is that the authorities have chosen to charge this man—who is seen by Zhejiang’s vulnerable groups as a “Timely Rain,” a man who acts on Heaven’s behalf to uphold justice—with the crime of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” Everyone knows that “picking quarrels” is the behavior of bullies and local thugs, precisely the kind of people Zou most despises and detests. It is obvious that the authorities are doing this to smear Zou’s reputation and diminish the heroic image he holds in the hearts of the people.
To restore the truth, I interviewed several petitioners in Zhejiang about their experiences with Zou’s help in defending the rights of the weak.
Voices from the People
🔹 Zhu Yingdi (resident of Hangzhou, whose ancestral home was illegally seized by the Shangcheng District government):“Zou Wei is an exceptionally good man, one rarely found in this world. For us ordinary citizens, the biggest difficulty in defending our rights is the lack of legal knowledge and support. Zou, who is well-versed in the law, passionately helps us and teaches us how to use legal weapons to protect ourselves. His bookshelf at home is packed with legal texts and case studies. He is a very busy man—reading books or running around to guide and assist others in their struggles. Even if he is eating or in the middle of something, a single phone call from us makes him drop everything, jump on his bicycle, and rush to the scene. He has probably helped most by drafting legal complaints for others—civil, administrative, economic—lawsuits, petitions, appeals, accusations. According to our rough estimates, Zou has written thousands of such legal documents for others. In Beijing, petitioners have to pay 500 yuan per legal draft; Zou never charged a penny, at most accepting a meal. Thanks to him, we saved a lot of money. That’s why we call him ‘Timely Rain,’ comparing him to Song Jiang of Liangshan.”
🔹 Liang Liwan (farmer from Xianqiao Town, Gongshu District, Hangzhou, whose home was illegally demolished):“When it comes to Zou, we all compare him to Song Jiang of Liangshan, calling him ‘Timely Rain.’ But actually, his rain is even more nourishing and widespread. Song Jiang only helped stranded outlaws, while Zou helps ordinary people, especially those living in misery and injustice. When my home was demolished at the beginning of this century, my husband was beaten and I was left desperate, even suicidal. Zou’s timely help gave me the courage to live on. Many others, like Zhu Yingdi, Shen Lihua, Feng Guojun, Cheng Huiyun, and more, have also been saved by him. Under his influence, I joined the rights defense movement. Without Zou, the rights movement in Hangzhou and even in Zhejiang would not have flourished as it has.”
🔹 Xu Jiangjiao (farmer from Tiantai County, known as a “rights defender for twenty years”):“I met Zou while petitioning in Hangzhou. After my petitions failed and I was even detained by the police, I sued them but lost at every level of the courts. At the provincial court, people advised me to find Zou. Within 15 minutes of my call, he came on his old bicycle. He read my appeal and said it needed legal references to force the authorities to contradict themselves. He rewrote it with legal reasoning and then rushed off to help someone else without even eating lunch. Later, I worked with him many times. His vast knowledge, his selfless dedication deeply moved me and gave me the strength to fight for 20 years. With his and Huang Qi’s help, my case finally saw some resolution. I am so grateful. For such a good man to be arrested—heaven must be blind!”
🔹 Shen Zhihua (farmer from Anji County, denied farmland because of gender discrimination, repeatedly petitioned and even confined in psychiatric hospitals):“I first met Zou on a hot day in Hangzhou near the Zhejiang Exhibition Hall. He arrived on his 28-inch old bicycle, sweating heavily, rushing from helping another petitioner. After reading my complaint documents, he quickly wrote an appeal, took me to print it, and then hurried off again to help another. Through his introduction, I met many other petitioners and became more deeply involved in rights defense activities. Although the authorities cannot be trusted, I continue to defend my rights through legal means.”
🔹 Yan Zhongliang (farmer from Wuchang Town, Yuhang District, whose land was illegally seized):“Zou has been involved in rights defense for more than twenty years; I’ve been in it for over ten. When I finally met him, I realized his abilities were exceptional. He could unite people, and his charisma was magnetic—wherever he went, people gathered around him. He was courageous yet meticulous, bold enough to challenge authority but careful enough to avoid unnecessary risks. His mastery of law made him indispensable to so many of us. That is why people trusted him so much.”
Beyond Rights Defense
Zou is not only a defender of rights but also a dissident concerned with China’s democratic movement. Unbelievably, he was arrested in July last year for holding a sea memorial at the Qiantang River estuary in honor of Liu Xiaobo, China’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate, on the sixth anniversary of his passing. Yet the indictment makes no mention of this, instead branding him a “troublemaker.” Clearly, this is meant to smear the democratic movement and diminish its leaders.
I interviewed senior members of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democracy Party, Mao Qingxiang and Qi Huimin, about their views on this case.
🔹 Chen Shuqing:“Mr. Zou is a man of honor, tirelessly helping vulnerable groups and solving many real problems for them. The fact that Hangzhou’s rights movement has taken a leading role in the country is inseparable from his contributions. His spirit of worrying for others before himself and seeking happiness only after others have it embodies the spirit of our China Democracy Party. By integrating the push for democracy with the defense of ordinary people’s rights, Zou made a truly historic innovation.”
🔹 Qi Huimin:“The authorities’ claim that Zou’s rights defense and democratic activities amount to ‘picking quarrels and provoking trouble’ is itself an insult to language. According to Article 293 of the PRC Criminal Law, this crime refers to: wantonly beating others with serious circumstances; chasing, intercepting, humiliating, or intimidating others with serious circumstances; forcibly seizing or destroying public or private property with serious consequences; or causing serious disorder in public places. These are the acts of thugs, bullies, and social scum. To equate Zou—a man of integrity, a defender of rights, and a democratic activist—with such scoundrels is both a humiliation to him and an insult to the rights defense and democracy movements as a whole. This is the malicious intent of the authorities.”
To hold the Communist Party of China accountable for covid-19 virus team
– Vinita, Oklahoma
On September 12, 2025, the anti-CCP Virus U.S. Eastbound team arrived at Vinita, Oklahoma. During the team’s stay at the Loves gas station, the local people came forward to express their support and encouragement. Many residents said that they agreed with the marchers’ actions to reveal the truth about the Chinese Communist Party’s virus and had friendly communicated and took photos with the team.
This stay is not only a stop in the itinerary, but also a manifestation of the spontaneous solidarity of the people. The U.S. Eastbound team said that they will continue to move forward and pass on the truth of the Chinese Communist Party virus to more people.
Author: Yang Changbing (member of the Chinese Democratic Party)
The CCP Virus Accountability Convoy — George W. Bush Presidential Library and Museum, Dallas
On the occasion of the 24th anniversary of the September 11 terrorist attacks, on September 11, 2025, some members of the CCP Virus Accountability Convoy visited the George W. Bush Presidential Library and Museum in Dallas and took group photos inside the venue.
We introduced to the staff the purpose of this interstate convoy parade, and we received their positive response and warm support.
Wherever the convoy goes, it conveys our call for freedom, human rights, and democracy, demands accountability for the virus disaster created by the CCP, and appeals to the international community to jointly sanction the CCP’s tyranny.
Authors: Guo Bin, Peng Xiaomei, He Xingqiang, Wang Lianjiang, and other members of The Opposition Party
What should the People’s Party of China do after the September 3rd military parade of the Communist Party of China?
——Talk about how to develop and build the People’s Union
Abstract: The September 3rd military parade is a demonstration of the dictatorship of the Communist Party of China. The People’s Movement should fight back with action: organize marches, charity, media cooperation, self-media publicity, attract international support, open and transparent finances, improve the quality of Party members, and expand their influence.
Author: Ye Changqing (mainland college student)
Editor: Li Congling Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translator: Cheng Ming
The powerful “September 3rd” military parade of the Communist Party of China is over, and all that is left is the cheering of the pink groups on the internal and external networks. On the intranet, the shouts of the military parade are like a vast ocean. The sober people are silent and dare not speak out in anger; those who dare to speak have become a case of investigation and punishment for “defamation of the September 3rd Military Parade” in the domestic news media.
This military parade is an activity for Xi Jinping and his Communist Party of China’s exploitative ruling group to show their muscles and show their strength to the world. Most Chinese people, who are deeply affected by its propaganda system, do not recognize the essence of the Communist Party of China as a cruel exploiting group. They always think of themselves and the Communist Party of China together, thinking that “the Party and the people are a family, and the Party is good. I’m fine” cheered for the Communist Party’s military parade, but I didn’t know that the Communist Party had nothing to do with itself when it was strong. It’s really sad! As the saying goes, “both a victim and an accomplice!”
So, what should the People’s movement group do? That is tooth for tooth, blood for blood!
Since the Communist Party of China holds activities, why can’t the masses of the People’s Congress hold activities? If they show off their muscles, then the People’s movement will counter-persecution and organize demonstrations for exiles in support of freedom and persecution by the Communist Party of China in countries of the free world. The team must recruit the people of the country where they are located. Then if anyone says that this is a swollen face and a fat man, I will say that this is justice. Let’s take the point. There is no problem with a swollen face and a fat man. The criminal group of the Communist Party of China should be discussed all over the world! The most important thing is that the Chinese people’s movement cannot be separated from the support of the international community. Let the people of the host countries participate and get their sympathy and support.
The parade can be divided into several square teams, led by the band (you can refer to the anti-persecution march of the Falun Gong group). On both sides, there should be free-moving people who distribute leaflets to the people, and the purpose of the folk movement and donation information should be written on the leaflets. The team’s route should be along the crowded place in the city. The starting and ending places can be places with special significance, or the consulate of the Communist Party of China. This kind of parade should be held every time the Communist Party of China held an event, or on the day of an event in history.
Doing charity in the country is also a good and important way of publicity, such as distributing food to the homeless and visiting the lonely elderly, which can greatly improve the public’s goodwill.
Social popularity determines the size of an organization’s survival space, so the popular movement organization should seek the help of the media so that the popular movement organization can have channels for publicity and voice. With the development and popularity of Internet video platforms, a large number of star video creators have been born. People’s movement organizations can contact current affairs YouTube programs and invite them to interview and inspect offices to improve exposure. You can also cultivate party members who are interested in making videos and establish your own self-media channel. The channel types can be handmade, fashion, technology, food, popular science, current affairs, etc., and publicize it in the program from time to time. However, it should be noted that it must be in English, so as to have a wider audience. Outside China, members of the organization can make videos to promote Chinese culture to foreigners, such as inviting foreigners to eat Chinese food and experience Chinese culture. Post the video on TikTok, Kuaishou, B Station and other popular Chinese platforms.
Finally, financial management must be open and transparent, so that the public can trust the people’s movement organization.
The cultural quality of party members also needs to be constantly improved. You can organize a reading club for all party members one day a week, read more liberal arts books, and organize exchanges with each other after reading. With higher quality, the organization can develop better.
在米德兰，当地政要、市长、州参议员以及宗教界代表出席活动。米德兰市长 Lori Blong 表示：“真相与公义是社会赖以存在的基石。米德兰很荣幸能够成为这场正义行动的一部分。我们必须勇敢地面对疫情背后的真相。”德州州参议员 Kevin Sparks 强调：“疫情带来的苦难不容被遗忘。美国必须采取坚决行动，多方面制裁中共的渗透，守护我们的国家安全。”尼希米政府学校领袖 Eliel Rosa 呼吁：“人类必须从这场悲剧中吸取教训。勇敢发声，揭露真相，是我们共同的责任。”五月花教堂牧师 Moses Pan 与 Darin Wood 牧师 一致指出：“信仰的核心是捍卫真理与自由。作为牧者，我们呼吁全美民众支持追责与索赔，让公义如江河滚滚，冲破黑暗的谎言。”共同要求中共为新冠疫情造成的全球性灾难承担责任，并呼吁美国政府实施多方面制裁，抵御中共对美国社会的渗透与长臂管辖。现场不仅有热烈的掌声和支持，也有许多民众主动上前表达认同：“这场行动说出了他们的心声”。
来自纽约的柳翔驾驶VAN横跨数千英里加入。他说：“我的车上写着 CCP Get Out of America 。”沿途的美国人纷纷竖起大拇指支持，有人走过来说，他们知道中共在购买美国土地，也理解我们在中国所遭受的迫害。这不是普通的游行，而是一场良知与正义的见证。每一英里都代表着我们对自由的渴望和对暴政的抗议。
A Call for Global Accountability and Reparations from the Chinese Communist Party
Author: Liu AoEditor: Lin XiaolongExecutive Editor: Hu LiliTranslatior: Lyu Feng
Since the outbreak of the pandemic in 2020, millions of people around the world have lost their lives to the virus, countless families have lost loved ones, and economies have been pushed into despair. Repeated studies and investigations have revealed that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) concealed facts and misled the world during the early stages of the pandemic. This cover-up squandered the golden window of prevention and forced humanity to pay a tragic price.
In September 2025, the Anti-CCP Eastbound Convoy, featuring a giant sculpture named “CCP Virus II”, set out from California toward the East Coast. The organizers declared that the pandemic was not a natural disaster, but a “man-made calamity.” They emphasized that the CCP’s lies and cover-ups represent a grave threat to human freedom and security, and warned that if the international community remains silent, more disasters will inevitably follow.
This convoy was not only a cross-country rally stretching from the West Coast to the East Coast of the United States, but also a transnational cry of conscience. The organizers stressed that the pandemic was not simply a public health crisis, but a human catastrophe brought about by CCP manipulation and suppression of truth. The mission of the convoy was to remind the world: if accountability is not pursued, the CCP will continue its cover-ups and evasions; if reparations are not demanded, victims worldwide will never receive justice.
The purpose of this demonstration was to urge the U.S. government to decisively sanction the CCP’s political infiltration and long-arm interference in America; to mobilize the international community to demand pandemic reparations from the CCP; and to call attention to China’s democratic movement. The organizers insisted that only when China achieves press freedom, freedom of speech, and political democracy, can such disasters truly be prevented.
Convoy on the Move
The convoy has been rolling across America in recent days. Dozens of vehicles covered in banners and flags departed from the Liberty Sculpture Park in California, traveling thousands of miles through Las Vegas, Arizona, New Mexico, and into Midland, Texas. Along the way, the vehicles carried bold slogans such as “Hold the CCP Accountable, Demand Reparations”, creating a striking visual and vocal impact that drew crowds of spectators.
In Midland, local officials, the mayor, a state senator, and religious leaders all attended the event. Mayor Lori Blong declared:
“Truth and justice are the foundations of any society. Midland is honored to be part of this righteous action. We must bravely confront the truth behind the pandemic.”
Texas State Senator Kevin Sparks stressed:
“The suffering caused by the pandemic must not be forgotten. America must take firm action, sanctioning CCP infiltration on multiple fronts to protect our national security.”
Eliel Rosa, leader of Nehemiah Government School, urged:
“Humanity must learn from this tragedy. Speaking out and exposing the truth is our shared responsibility.”
Pastors Moses Pan and Darin Wood of Mayflower Church proclaimed:
“The core of faith is defending truth and freedom. As pastors, we call on Americans nationwide to support accountability and reparations, so that justice will roll on like a mighty river, breaking through the lies of darkness.”
Together, they demanded that the CCP bear responsibility for the global disaster caused by COVID-19, and urged the U.S. government to impose wide-ranging sanctions to resist the CCP’s infiltration and long-arm jurisdiction in American society. The event received not only loud applause and strong support, but also heartfelt responses from citizens, many saying: “This action speaks for us.”
Voices from the Convoy
The convoy drew enthusiastic crowds along its route. Participants not only displayed the massive virus sculpture but also explained its symbolism, recounting the truth of the pandemic’s origins and the CCP’s cover-ups, inspiring more people to join the call for accountability.
When the convoy passed down the Las Vegas Strip, the enormous virus sculpture became a striking spectacle for tourists. Sculptor Chen Weimin, who created the piece, said:
“I saw many people looking up in awe. In that moment, perhaps they remembered loved ones lost in the pandemic. We must remind the world that as long as CCP dictatorship exists, such tragedies can happen again. Our convoy is not just an action—it is a voice crying out for the countless dead.”
From New York, Liu Xiang drove his van across thousands of miles to join the convoy. He said:
“On my van are the words ‘CCP Get Out of America.’ Along the way, Americans gave us thumbs-up, and some came forward to say they know the CCP is buying U.S. land and that they understand the persecution we suffer in China. This is not an ordinary march—it is a testimony of conscience and justice. Every mile represents our yearning for freedom and our protest against tyranny.”
Shi Qingmei, leader of the Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights, explained why Las Vegas was chosen as the convoy’s first stop in the Eastbound campaign:
“There are many Chinese people there, and the city is internationally diverse. We want more people to know that the CCP-created virus brought disaster to the world but has never paid reparations. We urge cities along the route to take up legal action, sue the CCP, and demand compensation.”
At the rally in Midland, Liu Xiaoling recalled the atmosphere:
“Under the blazing sun, sweat poured down, but the speeches ignited everyone’s passion. Applause and chants rang out—it was a gathering of conscience, a defense of justice. Truth cannot be buried, and justice must be upheld. As more people stand up, our strength will one day change the world.”
A Symbol of Freedom and Justice
This convoy, crossing from West to East, symbolized the uniting power of freedom and justice. Members of the convoy, local officials, and religious leaders all agreed that the CCP’s cover-ups and evasion of responsibility expose its essential nature as a dictatorship, and the consequences for the world are catastrophic.
Convoy representatives emphasized:
“We are not against the Chinese people—we are against the totalitarian regime that tramples human rights and manipulates the world. Facing pandemic cover-ups, cross-border persecution, and infiltration of democratic societies, everyone must take action: urge the U.S. government to investigate the CCP’s responsibility, protect overseas dissidents, and promote a global mechanism for pandemic transparency.”
“The price of freedom is persistence in truth and defense of justice. Our convoy will not stop until the truth is revealed and justice is served.”
This vow echoed as the shared oath of all participants.
(Figure 1: Local Mayor Lori Blong delivering a speech)
(Figure 2: Pastor Bob Fu introducing the office displays)
(Figure 3: Local legislator Kevin Sparks delivering a speech)
