作者：關永傑

編輯：鍾然 責任編輯：胡麗莉 校对：冯仍 翻译：吕峰

截至2026年3月6日，香港大埔宏福苑大火已經過去整整一百天。

這場發生在2025年11月26日的火災，波及七幢高層住宅大廈，大火持續燃燒超過四十小時，最終造成168人死亡、79人受傷，成為香港開埠以來傷亡最慘重的火災事故之一。港府隨後宣佈成立獨立調查委員會，並計劃在 2026年3月19日開始舉行聽證會，2026年9月左右公佈最終調查報告。

然而，火災後這一百天里發生的一些事情，卻讓不少人對調查結果是否能夠真正回應公眾關心的問題產生了疑問。

回顧這100天，香港社會發生了幾件值得注意的事件。

一、提出調查訴求的學生被捕並遭開除

火災發生後，香港中文大學學生關靖豐公開提出包括成立火災獨立調查委員會在內的四項訴求。然而不久之後他被警方拘捕，一些媒體甚至將其行為形容為“以災亂港”。

2026年2月13日，香港中文大學宣佈開除其學籍。校方給出的理由並非直接因為其提出相關訴求，而是指其“多次行為不當”，其中包括他在 2023年曾因張貼六四相關標語而被記過。

二、問責問題幾乎沒有被提起

按照中國《生產安全事故報告和調查處理條例》的規定，死亡超過30人的事故屬於“特別重大事故”，應由國務院或者國務院授權有關部門組織事故調查組進行調查，並對負有領導責任的省長、自治區主席、直轄市市長以及國務院有關部門主要負責人給予行政處分。

而香港的現實則是：香港特首李家超不但沒有被問責，2025年12月16日，他向中國國家主席習近平述職時，習近平還明確表示，一年來李家超帶領特區政府“勇於擔當、積極進取”，並強調中央對李家超及特區政府的工作是“充分肯定”的。習近平還提到李家超在堅定維護國家主權、安全及發展利益方面的表現尤為突出。至於大埔宏福苑火災，則只是向災民表示慰問，並肯定了特區政府在災後支援及重建方面的努力。

三、罹難者名單未向公眾公佈

在大多數民主社會及法治國家，處理大規模傷亡事故時，“公開名單”通常被視為政府透明度與社會共同哀悼的重要部分。

但香港政府在大埔宏福苑五級火警後，以“保護隱私”為由拒絕公開 168名罹難者名單。

四、媒體人黎智英被重判

2026年2月9日，在一個被外界廣泛質疑為受到政治影響的司法環境下，香港法庭以《國安法》框架下的“煽動顛覆國家政權”與“勾結外國勢力”罪名，重判黎智英二十年，《蘋果日報》多名高層被判七至十年。

在這樣的打擊之下，香港可能很難再出現真正具有獨立性的新聞媒體，剩下的更多只是官方宣傳體系的一部分。

五、“天眼”密布，香港或進入《1984》時代

2026年2月中旬，港府向立法會申請 40.6億港元的撥款，用於擴展名為「智眼」（SmartView）的監控程序。該計劃準備在未來數年內，為全港 6萬多組監控攝像頭進行技術升級，包括引入更強大的 AI人臉識別與大數據分析功能。

宏福苑火災的具體原因仍在調查之中。根據早期報道，火勢可能與樓宇外牆維修工程中使用的竹棚、尼龍網等材料的阻燃系數不達標有關。火焰沿著外牆迅速蔓延，導致多個樓宇被波及。如果最終調查結果證明問題僅僅是工程材料不符合標準，那當然是一場嚴重的工程事故。但香港使用竹棚已經超過百年，公眾目前關注的焦點集中在尼龍網阻燃系數不達標的問題上。而這一問題很可能涉及工程腐敗與監管漏洞。因此，對很多香港市民來說，他們擔心的問題或許更深一層——英國殖民時代建立並有效運作上百年的制度，回歸中國後是不是已經發生了質變？

過去幾十年，香港之所以能夠維持較高的公共治理水平，與其制度中的多個要素有關：獨立媒體、專業監管機構以及公開透明的調查機制。

但2019年，北京推動修訂《逃犯條例》引發大規模社會抗議，並最終在2020年出台更為嚴厲的《香港國安法》。此後短短幾年，香港的政治與社會環境發生了深刻變化。香港從一個開放、文明、法治、富裕的國際大都市，迅速轉變為一個被高壓管控的社會。大量中高端人才流失，樓價大幅下跌，經濟增長明顯放緩，並罕見地出現財政赤字。

《國安法》實施後，在高壓環境下民眾與媒體普遍趨於沉默。自2020年以來推行的一系列“宣誓效忠”制度，也使得不少官員更多只需對北京負責，而無需再面對來自反對派與社會輿論的監督。當政府將大量精力與資源投入在肅清異見、維護所謂國家安全時，真正關乎公眾生命安全的公共治理能力，就可能在不知不覺中被削弱。

歷史經驗提醒人們，在中國近幾十年的一些重大災難事件中，也曾出現類似的爭議。

例如2008年汶川地震後，一些家長質疑校舍質量問題，疑似是豆腐渣工程，推動調查的譚作人隨後被拘捕；2011年溫州動車事故，官方最初將原因歸結為雷擊；還有2021年鄭州“7·20”水災、2024年廣東梅大高速塌方等事件，也都曾因責任歸屬問題引發社會爭議。在這些事件中，政府往往傾向於將責任歸咎於天災，而不少民眾則認為其中人禍是主要因素，由此引發了關於責任追究與信息公開的討論。最終的結果往往是刪帖、封號，輿論逐漸沈寂，事件也隨之被遺忘。

宏福苑大火已經過去一百天。168條生命的逝去，人們希望看到的不僅是對遇難者的悼念，更是對制度漏洞的認真檢視。

但從災後這100天發生的事件來看，我們對於9月將要發佈的調查報告，還能抱有多大的期待？是水落石出的真相？還是避重就輕的解釋？

如果真相沒有被揭示，責任人沒有被追究，那麼這場大火留給香港的，恐怕不僅是一段悲痛的記憶，更是一種長期存在的不安——這樣的災難，隨時可能再次降臨。

Hundred Days After the Hung Fuk Estate Fire: What Is Happening in Hong Kong?

Author: Kwan Wing-kit Editor: Chung Yin Responsible Editor: Hu Lili Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Lyu Feng

Abstract: One hundred days after the Hung Fuk Estate fire in Tai Po, Hong Kong, the cause of the disaster is still under investigation. However, a series of developments—including the arrest of a student, pressure on the media, the absence of accountability, and the expansion of surveillance—have raised widespread public concern about the fairness of the investigation and the broader institutional changes taking place in Hong Kong.

As of March 6, 2026, exactly one hundred days have passed since the Hung Fuk Estate fire in Tai Po, Hong Kong.

The fire, which broke out on November 26, 2025, affected seven high-rise residential buildings. It burned for more than forty hours and ultimately caused 168 deaths and 79 injuries, making it one of the deadliest fire disasters in Hong Kong’s history since the city was founded.

The Hong Kong government subsequently announced the establishment of an independent commission of inquiry, with hearings scheduled to begin on March 19, 2026, and a final investigation report expected around September 2026.

However, several events that have occurred during the hundred days since the fire have caused many people to question whether the investigation will truly address the public’s concerns.

Looking back at these 100 days, several developments in Hong Kong society are worth noting.

1. Student Who Called for an Investigation Arrested and Expelled

After the fire, Kwan Ching-fung, a student at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, publicly raised four demands, including the establishment of an independent investigation committee into the disaster.

Shortly afterward, however, he was arrested by police. Some media outlets even characterized his actions as “using the disaster to disrupt Hong Kong.”

On February 13, 2026, the Chinese University of Hong Kong announced that he had been expelled. The university did not state that the expulsion was directly due to his demands. Instead, it cited “repeated misconduct,” including an incident in 2023 when he was disciplined for posting slogans related to the June Fourth movement.

2. Almost No Discussion of Official Accountability

According to China’s Regulations on the Reporting, Investigation, and Handling of Production Safety Accidents, an accident causing more than 30 deaths is classified as an “extraordinarily serious accident.” Such cases should be investigated by a team organized by the State Council or an authorized department, and administrative penalties may be imposed on responsible officials, including provincial governors, autonomous region chairpersons, mayors of municipalities, and relevant central government officials.

The situation in Hong Kong has been quite different.

Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee has not faced any accountability. On December 16, 2025, when Lee reported his work to Chinese President Xi Jinping, Xi stated that Lee had led the Hong Kong government over the past year with “responsibility and initiative,” emphasizing that the central government “fully recognizes” the work of Lee and the Hong Kong administration.

Xi particularly praised Lee’s performance in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests. Regarding the Tai Po Hung Fuk Estate fire, Xi merely expressed condolences to the victims and affirmed the Hong Kong government’s efforts in post-disaster relief and reconstruction.

3. Victims’ Names Not Made Public

In most democratic societies and rule-of-law states, the public release of victims’ names after mass-casualty disasters is generally regarded as an important expression of government transparency and collective mourning.

However, after the Hung Fuk Estate five-alarm fire, the Hong Kong government refused to release the names of the 168 victims, citing the need to “protect privacy.”

4. Media Figure Jimmy Lai Given a Heavy Sentence

On February 9, 2026, under a judicial environment widely questioned by observers as being politically influenced, a Hong Kong court sentenced media entrepreneur Jimmy Lai to twenty years in prison under charges of “inciting subversion of state power” and “colluding with foreign forces” under the framework of the National Security Law.

Several senior executives of the now-defunct Apple Daily newspaper were also sentenced to prison terms ranging from seven to ten years.

Under such pressure, Hong Kong may find it increasingly difficult to sustain genuinely independent media. What remains could increasingly resemble extensions of the official communication system.

5. Expanding Surveillance: Toward an “1984” Era?

In mid-February 2026, the Hong Kong government applied to the Legislative Council for HK$4.06 billion in funding to expand a surveillance program known as “SmartView.”

The project aims to upgrade more than 60,000 surveillance camera systems across Hong Kong in the coming years, incorporating advanced AI facial recognition and big-data analytics technologies.

Ongoing Investigation and Public Concerns

The precise cause of the Hung Fuk Estate fire is still under investigation. According to early reports, the rapid spread of the fire may have been linked to bamboo scaffolding and nylon mesh used during exterior wall maintenance work that failed to meet fire-resistance standards.

Flames reportedly spread rapidly along the building façades, affecting multiple residential blocks.

If the final investigation concludes that the problem was merely the use of non-compliant construction materials, then it would represent a serious engineering accident. However, bamboo scaffolding has been used in Hong Kong construction for over a century. Public attention has therefore focused on the possibility that the nylon mesh used in the project lacked adequate flame-retardant properties.

Such a problem could potentially involve construction corruption or regulatory loopholes. For many Hong Kong citizens, the deeper concern is whether the institutional system established during the British colonial period—one that operated effectively for over a century—has undergone fundamental changes since Hong Kong’s return to China.

Institutional Changes Since 2019

For decades, Hong Kong maintained a relatively high standard of public governance due to several institutional features: independent media, professional regulatory agencies, and transparent investigation mechanisms.

However, in 2019, Beijing’s push to amend the Extradition Bill triggered large-scale protests. In 2020, the more stringent Hong Kong National Security Law was enacted.

Within just a few years, Hong Kong’s political and social environment changed dramatically. The city shifted from an open, prosperous international metropolis governed by rule of law into a society characterized by increasingly strict political control.

Large numbers of high-skilled professionals have emigrated, housing prices have fallen significantly, economic growth has slowed noticeably, and Hong Kong has even experienced rare fiscal deficits.

Under the high-pressure environment following the National Security Law, both citizens and media outlets have largely become more cautious or silent. Since 2020, a series of loyalty oath requirements has also meant that many officials now primarily answer to Beijing rather than being subject to oversight from opposition parties or public opinion.

When governments devote substantial energy and resources to suppressing dissent and maintaining what is defined as national security, the capacity for governance in areas directly related to public safety and welfare may gradually weaken.

Historical Parallels

Historical experience suggests that similar controversies have emerged in several major disasters in China over recent decades.

For example:

After the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake, some parents questioned the quality of school buildings suspected to be “tofu-dreg construction.” Activist Tan Zuoren, who attempted to investigate, was later detained.

Following the 2011 Wenzhou high-speed rail crash, authorities initially attributed the cause to a lightning strike.

The 2021 Zhengzhou “7·20” floods and the 2024 Guangdong Meida Expressway collapse also sparked debates over responsibility.

In many such cases, governments have tended to attribute disasters to natural causes, while segments of the public believed that human factors and governance failures played a significant role. The resulting debates about accountability and transparency often faded over time as online discussions were censored and public attention gradually dissipated.

One Hundred Days Later

One hundred days have passed since the Hung Fuk Estate fire.

With 168 lives lost, what people hope to see is not only mourning for the victims but also a serious examination of institutional weaknesses.

Yet judging from the events that have occurred in the hundred days since the disaster, how much expectation can the public still place on the investigation report scheduled for release in September?

Will it reveal the full truth—or offer a selective explanation?

If the truth is not uncovered and those responsible are not held accountable, the legacy of this fire may not be only grief. It may also leave behind a lasting sense of unease—that such a tragedy could happen again at any time.

US Hongkongers club（美國香港人會館)

文:關永傑

編輯:鐘然 責任編輯:胡麗莉 校对：程筱筱 翻译：戈冰

March 3, 2026 加州灣區

2026年2月9日，在一個被外界廣泛質疑為受政治操控的司法環境下，香港法庭以《國安法》框架下的「煽動顛覆國家政權」與「勾結外國勢力」罪名，重判黎智英二十年，蘋果日報多名高層被判 七至十年，案件過程取消陪審團、以密室審訊方式進行，種種安排，顯示香港法治已被摧毀。

判決消息傳出後，為了表達對黎智英先生的聲援，也為了表達對新聞自由與法治原則的堅持，流亡海外的香港人及一眾一直關注並支持香港抗爭者的群體隨即在2月14日多地聯動發起聲援黎智英、抗議港共惡法的活動。

此事件亦引起國際社會關注，美國政界多名議員公開譴責判決結果，美國政府更邀請黎智英先生的女兒黎采（Claire Lai）出席總統在國會山莊發表國情咨文的現場。她在場邊接受傳媒訪問時，轉述她父親說過的一句話：“若所有人都離開，誰來見證香港的沈淪？”她呼籲國際社會不要將香港遺忘，強調這不只是黎智英一人的案件，而是關乎新聞自由與法治原則的存亡。

為保持議題熱度，讓更多美國民眾瞭解香港現況，US Hongkongers club (美國香港人會館) 於3月1日再次發起行動，持續聲援黎智英先生，抗議中共扼殺言論自由。是日下午2:30，會館館長Bruce與我們相約到達Interstate 80 Berkeley 路段的行人天橋，同行的還有灣區的活躍民主人士陳森鋒。

我們在天橋的鐵網上掛起四幅標語：“Free Hong Kong”、“Free Jimmy Lai”、“END CCP”、“光復香港”。標語甫一掛上，過往車輛的喇叭聲就此起彼伏，更有乘客向我們揮手示意，表達對我們的支持。而行經天橋的一些民眾也與我們擊掌或握手，並高喊“Free Hong Kong”，場面令人感動。其後，其他參與者陸續抵達。Bruce對人員進行分組，一部分人留在天橋舉牌或揮舞旗幟，另一組則駕車在公路上拍攝天橋的畫面，務求將現場影像完整記錄，並迅速發佈至X (Twitter)、Facebook、YouTube及Instagram，擴大傳播規模。

我們深愛那個曾經文明、自由、法治的香港，如今已被中共完全控制，隨著港區《國安法》的實施，香港更是迅速地淪為警察城市。國安惡法就像是一根套在自由香港人脖子上的繩索，而這根繩索現在正越收越緊。2026年2月中旬，港府向立法會申請 40.6 億港元的撥款，用於擴展名為「智眼」（SmartView）的監控程式。計劃在未來數年內為全港 6 萬多組監控攝像頭進行技術升級，包括引入更強大的 AI 人臉識別與大數據分析功能 ，此系統建成之日，港人將進入道路以目時代。

黎智英先生年逾古稀，曾坐擁億萬家財，本可遠走他方，安享餘生。然而他選擇了留下，選擇以一份報紙對抗強權。今日他身陷囹圄，並非他真的犯有重罪，而只是因為他堅持媒體應監督權力、社會應容許異見。

黎智英先生所堅持的，不過是正常的文明與法治的社會應有的底線，正因如此，我們更不能習慣這種選擇性的無視。香港只有七百萬人口，流亡海外者更是散落世界各地。有人說，海外港人的聲音太微弱；也有人問，在今日的國際局勢下，你真的還相信公義會降臨嗎？或許世界會因為新的危機而轉移目光，但2019年逾百萬港人走上街頭的畫面，我們不會忘記。那不是一場短暫的情緒宣洩，而是一代港人——亦是一群相信普世價值的世界公民對自由作出的鄭重承諾。若身處自由之地的我們也逐漸沈默，那麼至少，我們對不起自己的記憶。

「我雖勢弱言輕，決不虛作無聲。」這是對黎智英先生的回應，也是對我們自己的提醒。

Free Jimmy Lai—Continuing to Speak Out for Freedom

US Hongkongers Club

By: Kwan Wing Kit

Editor: Chung Yan Managing Editor: Hu Lili

Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Ge Bing

Summary: Overseas Hong Kongers and supporters held a solidarity action in the San Francisco Bay Area, protesting the harsh sentencing of Jimmy Lai under the National Security Law and urging the international community to address the deteriorating state of press freedom and the rule of law in Hong Kong.

March 3, 2026 California Bay Area

On February 9, 2026, within a judicial environment widely questioned by the international community for political manipulation, a Hong Kong court sentenced Jimmy Lai to 20 years under the National Security Law framework on charges of “inciting subversion of state power” and “colluding with foreign forces.” Several senior executives of Apple Daily received sentences ranging from seven to ten years. The trial proceeded without a jury and was conducted behind closed doors. These arrangements demonstrate that the rule of law in Hong Kong has been destroyed.

Following the verdict, to express solidarity with Mr. Jimmy Lai and uphold principles of press freedom and the rule of law, Hong Kongers in exile and groups supporting Hong Kong’s resistance movement launched coordinated actions on February 14 across multiple locations. These demonstrations voiced support for Lai and protested Hong Kong’s draconian laws.

This incident has also drawn international attention. Multiple U.S. lawmakers publicly condemned the verdict, and the U.S. government invited Mr. Lai’s daughter, Claire Lai, to attend the President’s State of the Union address at the Capitol. During a sideline interview with media, she relayed a statement from her father: “If everyone leaves, who will bear witness to Hong Kong’s downfall?” She urged the international community not to forget Hong Kong, stressing that this was not merely Jimmy Lai’s case, but one concerning the survival of press freedom and the rule of law.

To maintain momentum and raise awareness among American citizens about Hong Kong’s current situation, the US Hongkongers Club organized another action on March 1st, continuing to support Jimmy Lai and protest the Chinese Communist Party’s suppression of free speech. At 2:30 PM that afternoon, Club Director Bruce met us at the pedestrian overpass on Interstate 80 in Berkeley, accompanied by Bay Area democracy activist Chan Sum Fung.

We hung four banners on the overpass’s metal railing: “Free Hong Kong,” “Free Jimmy Lai,” “END CCP,” and “Liberate Hong Kong.” As soon as the banners were hung, honking horns from passing vehicles erupted in waves. Passengers waved to us in support. Pedestrians crossing the overpass high-fived or shook hands with us, chanting “Free Hong Kong”—a deeply moving scene. Additional participants gradually arrived. Bruce divided the group into teams: some remained on the bridge holding signs or waving flags, while others drove along the highway filming the bridge to capture comprehensive footage. This allowed us to swiftly post the footage to X (Twitter), Facebook, YouTube, and Instagram, maximizing its reach.

We deeply cherish the Hong Kong that once embodied civilization, freedom, and the rule of law. Now, it has fallen entirely under the control of the Chinese Communist Party. With the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law, the city has rapidly transformed into a police state. This draconian security law is like a noose tightening around the necks of Hong Kong’s free citizens, and that noose is now being pulled ever tighter. In mid-February 2026, the Hong Kong government applied to the Legislative Council for HK$4.06 billion in funding to expand the surveillance program known as “SmartView.” The plan involves upgrading over 60,000 surveillance cameras across Hong Kong in the coming years, incorporating more powerful AI facial recognition and big data analytics capabilities. Once this system is fully operational, Hong Kongers will enter an era where they dare not speak their minds.

Mr. Jimmy Lai, now in his seventies, once possessed a fortune worth billions. He could have departed for distant shores to enjoy his twilight years. Yet he chose to remain, choosing to confront power with a newspaper. Today, he languishes behind bars not because he truly committed grave crimes, but simply because he insisted that media should oversee power and society should tolerate dissent.

What Mr. Jimmy Lai stands for is nothing more than the fundamental baseline of a civilized, rule-of-law society. Precisely because of this, we must not grow accustomed to such selective disregard. Hong Kong has a population of only seven million, and those in exile are scattered across the globe. Some say the voices of Hong Kongers abroad are too faint; others ask, in today’s international climate, do you truly believe justice will prevail? The world may shift its gaze amid new crises, but we will never forget the images of over a million Hong Kongers taking to the streets in 2019. That was not a fleeting emotional outburst, but a solemn pledge to freedom made by a generation of Hong Kongers—and by a community of global citizens who believe in universal values. If we, who live in free lands, gradually fall silent, then at the very least, we betray our own memories.

“Though my voice is weak and my words carry little weight, I shall never remain silent.” This is our response to Mr. Jimmy Lai, and a reminder to ourselves.

声援中国受迫害家庭教会/牧者

———第780次茉莉花行动

时间：2026年3月7日（周六）下午3点

地址：中国驻洛杉矶总领事馆

近年来，中国家庭教会持续遭受打压：

牧者被抓捕、信徒被传唤、聚会被取缔，信仰被污名化。基本人权与尊严被严重侵犯，当许多人在中国无法公开祈祷时，我们选择在自由之地为他们发声。

我们为受逼迫的牧者，信徒祈祷，为被压制的信仰作见证，为基本的人权与尊严发声。

本次行动重点声援对象包括（但不限于）：

• 安徽合肥甘泉教会 周松林牧师、丁中福长老

• 安徽蚌埠活石归正教会 万长春牧师

• 安徽麦种归正教会 张森牧师、常顺牧师

• 北京锡安教会 金明日牧师、王林牧师

• 成都秋雨圣约教会 王怡牧师

• 山西临汾圣约家园教会 李洁牧师、韩晓棟传道

以及多位正遭受抓捕、监控与持续打压的牧者与教会同工、信徒。

我们严正呼吁：

立即停止对家庭教会的打压

停止以刑事手段惩罚和平的宗教活动

保障公民依法享有的信仰自由与基本人权

“为义受逼迫的人有福了，因为天国是他们的。”这不仅是一场抗议，更是一场守望与见证。

欢迎所有关心宗教自由与中国人权的朋友到场参与、转发，让更多人看见中国家庭教会的处境。

信仰无罪｜迫害可耻

Stop Persecuting Believers

活动发起：张晓丽、潘蒙恩

活动组织：李伟、叶杨、曾群兰

现场协调：赵叶、牟宗强

活动主持：李伟 张晓丽

秩序维护：陈信男 王府

视觉设计：张致君

活动负责人：倪世成 卓皓然

影像记录：王新欣、韩立华

活动主办：中国民主党全委会

基督徒守望者联盟

全能基督灭共阵线

活动协办：

安徽工委 蒙市支部

柔丝蜜支部 西科维纳支部

全能神教会

——Ella Wang 于洛杉矶六四纪念馆举办纪念王炳章主题雕塑活动

2026年2月28日，一场以纪念中国民主运动先驱王炳章精神为主题的雕塑艺术活动在洛杉矶六四纪念馆举行。本次展出的雕塑作品由王炳章先生的孙女Ella Wang 创作，通过雕塑这一具有历史重量的艺术形式，表达对自由价值的思考，并向为推动中国民主事业付出努力的人们致以纪念。活动吸引了来自艺术界、人权界及社区的众多人士到场参与，共同见证艺术与历史的交汇。

作为此次展览的创作者，Ella Wang 在现场介绍了自己的创作理念。她表示，自己从小在家族的记忆与故事中成长，对外公的人生经历有着深刻的情感认知。随着年龄增长，她逐渐意识到，这不仅是一个家庭的记忆，更是一段与时代紧密相连的历史。因此，她选择以雕塑作为表达方式，希望通过可触、可见的形式，让抽象的历史与信念变得具体而真实。

展出的雕塑作品采用简洁而富有力量的造型语言，通过人物轮廓的延展、断裂与重构，象征个体在历史洪流中的挣扎与坚持。一些作品呈现出未完成的形态，寓意仍在延续的追求与尚未结束的历史进程。Ella Wang 表示，她希望观众在观看作品时，不仅看到艺术本身，也能感受到其中所承载的记忆与精神。“雕塑是一种可以跨越时间的语言，它让那些无法亲历历史的人，依然能够与之产生连接，”她说道。“我希望通过这些作品，让更多人了解那一代人为信念所做出的选择，也让记忆以艺术的形式继续存在。”

活动期间，民主运动人士王丹发表讲话。他回顾了王炳章在中国民主运动历史中的重要角色，并强调记忆对于社会的重要意义。他指出，历史不仅属于过去，也影响着未来，而艺术正是让历史得以被持续看见的重要方式。“当年轻一代用自己的方式去讲述历史时，这本身就是一种延续，”他说。

民主运动人士、《在野党》杂志社创办人朱虞夫先生亦莅临活动现场参观，并与现场来宾交流。他表示，艺术作为一种表达形式，能够突破时间与空间的限制，让更多人了解历史的真实面貌，并促使社会持续关注自由与人权的价值。

视觉艺术家协会创办人刘亚亚女士也在现场发表了主题演讲。她从艺术史的角度出发，通过解读多幅世界名画，回顾了从古至今人类对自由的不懈追求。她指出，无论是宗教时期的象征性绘画，还是现代艺术中对现实的反思，艺术始终在记录人类对尊严与权利的渴望。

在发言的最后，她将历史的视角带回中国，提及1989年6月4日发生在北京天安门前的事件。当时，许多大学生走上街头，表达对国家未来与民族发展的理想与诉求，却遭到武力镇压。她表示，艺术与记忆的存在，是为了让真实得以被看见，让历史不被遗忘。“艺术提醒我们，自由从来不是抽象的概念，而是无数人曾真实追求的目标，”她说道。

在展览现场，观众们在雕塑之间缓步而行，静静驻足观看。不少参与者表示，通过 Ella Wang 的作品，他们不仅感受到艺术的力量，也更加理解了历史与个体之间的联系。一位参观者表示：“这些雕塑让人意识到，记忆不仅存在于文字中，也存在于艺术之中。”

本次活动在洛杉矶六四纪念馆举行，使展览本身具有更深的历史象征意义。主办方表示，希望通过艺术展览与公共交流，让更多人了解历史，并鼓励公众关注自由、人权与社会发展的议题。

在安静的展厅中，雕塑无声伫立，却承载着跨越时代的重量。通过 Ella Wang 的创作，个人的记忆被转化为公共的表达，历史也以另一种形式继续被讲述。艺术不仅记录过去，也让人们在当下重新思考自由与未来的意义。

Sculpture Carries Memory, Art Bears Witness to Conviction

— Ella Wang Holds a Commemorative Sculpture Event Honoring Wang Bingzhang at the Los Angeles June 4th Memorial Museum

On February 28, 2026, a sculpture art event themed around commemorating the spirit of Chinese democracy pioneer Wang Bingzhang was held at the June 4th Memorial Museum in Los Angeles.

The sculptures exhibited at the event were created by Ella Wang, the granddaughter of Wang Bingzhang. Through sculpture—an art form with a strong sense of historical weight—she expressed reflections on the values of freedom and paid tribute to those who have devoted themselves to advancing China’s democratic cause. The event attracted many attendees from the fields of art, human rights, and the local community, who gathered to witness the intersection of art and history.

As the creator of the exhibition, Ella Wang introduced her artistic philosophy during the event. She explained that she grew up surrounded by family memories and stories, which gave her a deep emotional understanding of her grandfather’s life experiences. As she grew older, she gradually realized that these memories were not merely part of a family narrative, but also a chapter of history closely intertwined with the broader currents of the times.

For this reason, she chose sculpture as her medium of expression, hoping that through a tangible and visible form, abstract history and convictions could become concrete and real.

The sculptures on display employ a minimalist yet powerful visual language. Through the extension, fragmentation, and reconstruction of human silhouettes, the works symbolize the struggles and perseverance of individuals within the currents of history. Some pieces intentionally appear unfinished, representing an ongoing pursuit and a historical process that has not yet reached its conclusion.

Ella Wang explained that she hopes viewers will see not only the artistic form itself, but also the memory and spirit embedded within the works.

“Sculpture is a language that can transcend time,” she said. “It allows people who did not personally experience history to still establish a connection with it. Through these works, I hope more people can understand the choices made by that generation for their beliefs, and allow memory to continue existing through art.”

During the event, democracy activist Wang Dan delivered remarks. He reflected on Wang Bingzhang’s significant role in the history of China’s democracy movement and emphasized the importance of collective memory for society.

He noted that history does not belong solely to the past—it also shapes the future. Art, he argued, is one of the most important ways through which history continues to be seen and remembered.

“When the younger generation tells history in their own way, that itself is a continuation,” he said.

Democracy activist Zhu Yufu, founder of the magazine In Opposition, also attended the event and spoke with guests. He remarked that art, as a form of expression, can transcend the limitations of time and space, enabling more people to understand the true face of history and encouraging society to continue paying attention to the values of freedom and human rights.

Ms. Liu Yaya, founder of the Visual Artists Association, also delivered a keynote speech at the event. From the perspective of art history, she interpreted several famous paintings from around the world and reviewed humanity’s enduring pursuit of freedom throughout history.

She pointed out that whether in the symbolic religious paintings of earlier eras or in modern art’s reflections on contemporary reality, art has consistently documented humanity’s longing for dignity and rights.

Toward the end of her speech, she brought the historical perspective back to China, referencing the events that took place in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. At that time, many university students took to the streets to express their aspirations for the nation’s future and development, but the movement was ultimately suppressed by force.

She stated that the existence of art and memory serves to ensure that truth can be seen and that history is not forgotten.

“Art reminds us that freedom has never been an abstract concept—it has been a goal that countless people have pursued in reality,” she said.

During the exhibition, visitors walked slowly among the sculptures, pausing quietly to observe the works. Many participants commented that through Ella Wang’s sculptures, they not only felt the power of art but also gained a deeper understanding of the relationship between history and individual lives.

One visitor remarked:

“These sculptures remind us that memory does not exist only in written words—it also lives within art.”

The event was held at the Los Angeles June 4th Memorial Museum, which gave the exhibition an even deeper historical symbolism. The organizers expressed their hope that through art exhibitions and public dialogue, more people will learn about history and be encouraged to engage with issues related to freedom, human rights, and social development.

In the quiet gallery space, the sculptures stand silently, yet they carry the weight of history across time. Through Ella Wang’s creations, personal memory is transformed into a public expression, and history continues to be told in another form.

Art does not merely record the past—it also invites people to reconsider the meaning of freedom and the future in the present.

纪念抗击俄罗斯入侵四周年 反对任何援助侵略行为

报道 拍摄：关永杰

编辑：钟然 责任编辑：胡丽莉 校对：程筱筱 翻译：戈冰

2026年2月28日下午，由中国民主党旧金山党部主办的“声援乌克兰，抗击俄罗斯入侵四周年”集会，在旧金山中国领事馆门前举行，呼吁国际社会持续支持乌克兰，反对侵略战争，并关注对俄战争提供支持的各类行为。

活动召集人方政、何颖，策划发起人陈森锋是活动现场主持。主办方表示，2022年2月24日，俄罗斯对乌克兰发动全面入侵，原本被侵略者认为可以迅速结束的战事，却演变为长期消耗战，时隔四年，已经造成大量军民伤亡与严重的人道危机。当天集会除悼念死难者外，也强调坚守国际法与反对侵略的重要性。

策划者陈森锋在发言中回顾战争爆发的背景，指出入侵行为公然挑战国际秩序。他表示，乌克兰人民在强大军事压力下选择抵抗，而非屈服，「这不仅是为了捍卫自己的家园，也是为了守住自由社会的底线」，他们用血肉守护家园，用不屈的意志守护自由，他们深信，面对侵略，任何形式的默许或妥协，都会为未来埋下更大的冲突隐患。

中国民主党党员郭志军表示，战争已进入第五个年头，长期炮火导致无数家庭破碎，城市成为废墟。他指出，这场战争关乎主权、自由与国际规则，「侵略若得不到制止，受损的不只是乌克兰，也会削弱整个国际社会对正义的信心」。他同时呼吁各国在外交与经济政策上避免任何可能延长战事的行为。

中国民主党预备党员唐奇在发言中批评中共当局对俄政策立场，质疑其「中立」说法与实际作为之间的差异。他呼吁停止一切直接或间接形式的战争协助，并敦促对侵略行为作出明确谴责。「当侵略发生时，立场本身就是一种选择，沉默也可能成为纵容。」

蒋书清表示，四年战火并未击垮乌克兰社会的意志，反而促使更多人团结起来。他强调，自由与民主的价值需要实际行动来维护，「如果对侵略视而不见，将来任何地区都可能面临相似命运」。他呼吁自由社会保持警觉与团结。

中国民主党萨克拉门托支部主任卫仁喜指出，俄乌战争提醒世人，主权与人权问题不能被地缘政治利益所掩盖。他认为，对侵略行为的明确态度，是维系国际秩序的基本前提，并呼吁各方以具体行动支持和平与正义。

发言人郭鉴鑫则表示，反对任何形式的军事输送与战争协助，是对生命最基本的尊重。「当更多人站出来支持受侵略的一方，守护的不仅是一国边界，更是人类社会对和平与尊严的共同承诺。」

此外，与会者高俊影、吴志创等人也现场带领大家呼喊口号。

——支持乌克兰，捍卫主权

——反对侵略，守护自由

——停止援俄，停止战争

——正义必胜

——荣耀归于乌克兰

与会人士表示，战争的残酷与庞大伤亡数字，令成长于和平年代的人们深感震惊与愤慨。他们认为，独裁者的权欲熏心往往将平民推向战火前线，而国际社会若因短期利益而选择观望或妥协，最终付出的代价是不可挽回的。集会现场情绪高昂但秩序井然，参与者强调以理性与公民责任发声，并表示将持续以和平方式表达立场。

San Francisco Rally Holds Solidarity for Ukraine

Marking Fourth Anniversary of Resistance Against Russian Invasion, Opposing Any Aid to Aggression

Reporting and Photography: Guan Yongjie

Editor: Zhong Ran

Managing Editor: Hu Lili

Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao

Translator: Ge Bing

On the afternoon of February 28, 2026, a rally titled “Stand with Ukraine: Four Years of Resisting Russian Invasion” was held in front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco, organized by the San Francisco chapter of the China Democracy Party. Participants called on the international community to continue supporting Ukraine, oppose the war of aggression, and scrutinize all forms of support for Russia’s war efforts.

Event organizers Fang Zheng and He Ying, along with initiator Chen Senfeng, served as hosts at the rally. The organizers stated that on February 24, 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. What the aggressor initially believed would be a swift campaign has instead evolved into a protracted war of attrition. Four years on, it has caused massive civilian and military casualties and triggered a severe humanitarian crisis. Beyond commemorating the victims, the rally emphasized the importance of upholding international law and opposing aggression.

In his address, organizer Chen Senfeng reviewed the backdrop of the war’s outbreak, noting that the invasion openly defied the international order. He stated that the Ukrainian people chose resistance over surrender under immense military pressure, “not only to defend their homeland but also to uphold the fundamental principles of a free society.” They guarded their homeland with their lives and defended freedom with unyielding resolve. They firmly believe that any form of tacit approval or compromise in the face of aggression will sow the seeds of greater conflict in the future.

Guo Zhijun, a member of the China Democratic Party, noted that the war has entered its fifth year, with prolonged bombardment shattering countless families and reducing cities to ruins. He emphasized that this conflict concerns sovereignty, liberty, and international norms, warning that “if aggression goes unchecked, the damage will extend beyond Ukraine, eroding the entire international community’s faith in justice.” He further urged nations to avoid any diplomatic or economic actions that might prolong the conflict.

Tang Qi, a probationary member of the China Democratic Party, criticized the Chinese Communist Party’s stance on Russia, questioning the discrepancy between its “neutrality” claims and actual actions. He called for halting all direct or indirect forms of war assistance and urged explicit condemnation of the aggression. “When invasion occurs, taking a stance is itself a choice; silence can become complicity.”

Jiang Shuqing stated that four years of war have not broken the will of Ukrainian society but have instead united more people. He emphasized that the values of freedom and democracy require concrete actions to uphold, warning, “If we turn a blind eye to aggression, any region could face a similar fate in the future.” He called on free societies to remain vigilant and united.

Wei Renxi, Director of the Sacramento Chapter of the China Democracy Party, pointed out that the Russia-Ukraine war reminds the world that sovereignty and human rights issues cannot be overshadowed by geopolitical interests. He believes that a clear stance against acts of aggression is a fundamental prerequisite for maintaining international order, and called on all parties to support peace and justice through concrete actions.

Spokesperson Guo Jianxin stated that opposing any form of military supply or war assistance represents the most fundamental respect for life. “When more people stand up to support the side under attack, we are defending not just a nation’s borders, but humanity’s shared commitment to peace and dignity.”

Additionally, participants Gao Junying, Wu Zhichuang, and others led the crowd in chanting slogans on-site.

— Support Ukraine, Defend Sovereignty

— Oppose Aggression, Protect Freedom

— Stop Aiding Russia, Stop the War

— Justice Will Prevail

— Glory to Ukraine

Attendees expressed profound shock and outrage at the war’s brutality and staggering casualties, particularly for those raised in peaceful times. They argued that dictators’ lust for power often thrusts civilians into the front lines of conflict, and that if the international community chooses to stand by or compromise for short-term gains, the ultimate cost will be irreparable. The rally proceeded with high spirits yet orderly conduct. Participants emphasized voicing their stance through reason and civic responsibility, pledging to continue expressing their position through peaceful means.

活動公告： 【旧金山*中领馆】

3月10日「西藏抗暴紀念日」聲援西藏人民

Support the Tibetan People on March 10 – Tibetan Uprising Day

紀念1959年3月10日西藏人民為自由走上街頭！

反對中共血腥鎮壓！反對迫害達賴喇嘛！

自由中國，自由西藏！

反對鎮壓，反對迫害，反對同化。

保護藏傳文化，守護信仰自由，捍衛人權尊嚴。

我們與西藏人民站在一起！

主權在民，中共下臺！

Commemorating March 10, 1959, when the Tibetan people took to the streets in pursuit of freedom!

Oppose the CCP’s bloody repression! Oppose the persecution of the Dalai Lama!

Free China, Free Tibet!

Oppose repression, oppose persecution, oppose forced assimilation.

Protect Tibetan culture, safeguard freedom of faith, and defend human rights and dignity.

We stand with the Tibetan people!

Sovereignty belongs to the people! Down with the CCP!

主辦單位：中國民主黨(舊金山黨部)中國民主人權聯盟

活動召集：方政Zheng Fang 胡丕政Pizheng Hu

策劃發起：陳森鋒Senfeng Chen 崔允星Yunxing Cui

活動組織：關永傑Yongjie Guan 李栩Xu Li 繆青Qing Miao 劉靜濤Jingtao Liu 何穎Ying He 蔣書清Shuqing Jiang 李海風Haifeng Li

後勤保障：盧占強Zhanqiang Lu 周忠玉Zhongyu Zhou 吳志創Zhichuang Wu

聯係人：陳森鋒Senfeng Chen

時間：2026年3月10日(週二)

地點：舊金山中領館（下午1点）

（或去市政厅上午10点）