博客 页面 25

声援中华民国

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声援中华民国

作者:赵雪峰
编辑:冯仍 责任编辑:罗志飞 校对:程筱筱 翻译:tomorrow

我是中国民主党党员赵雪峰,2025年10月11日,我参加了茉莉花行动,庆祝中华民国建国114周年。我手举《在野党》杂志第14期站在洛杉矶中国领事馆门前,象征着对中共极权体制的公开抗议与对自由民主理念的坚定捍卫。《在野党》是一本让中共瑟瑟发抖、寝食难安的刊物,因为它代表着真相与觉醒的力量,我为自己能成为该杂志的撰稿人而感到自豪与荣耀。

声援中华民国

Supporting the Republic of China is supporting ourselves

Author: Zhao Xuefeng
Editor: Feng Reng Editor-in-Chief: Luo Zhifei Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translation: tomorrow

I’m Zhao Xuefeng, a member of the China Democracy Party. On October 11, 2025, I participated in the Jasmine Revolution to celebrate the 114th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China. I stood in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, holding the 14th issue of “Opposition Party” magazine, a symbol of open protest against the CCP’s totalitarian system and a steadfast defense of the ideals of freedom and democracy. “Opposition Party” is a publication that makes the CCP tremble and lose sleep because it represents the power of truth and awakening. I am proud and honored to be a contributor to the magazine.

声援中华民国

I gave a speech on the spot calling on Chinese people around the world to unite and support the Republic of China, which means supporting freedom, democracy and human rights; it means supporting ourselves and resisting the Chinese Communist Party, which means resisting dictatorship, autocracy and tyranny.

中国的“K签证”

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中国的“K签证”

一场关在防火墙里的“国际化”闹剧

作者:冯仍
编辑:钟然     责任编辑:罗志飞     翻译:tomorrow

根据2021年第七次人口普查数据,中国境内外籍人士总数为84.5万人,占全国总人口的比例仅为0.06%。这意味着在十几亿人口的中国,几乎看不到外国人的影子。这个比例比印度、日本、乃至许多非洲国家都低,只略高于朝鲜。换句话说,中国几乎是世界上最“单一种族”的大国。

然而,就在这样的现实下,北京却在今年10月1日高调推出所谓“K签证”政策,宣称要从全球吸引理工科(STEM)领域人才,打造“中国版H-1B签证”。按照宣传口径,这是一项“高水平对外开放”的新举措,目的是和美国争夺科技人才。

中国的“K签证”

但讽刺的是,这项签证政策刚一宣布,舆论几乎全线翻车。微博话题“#K签证会让外国人抢走我们的饭碗吗#”登上热搜,评论区成了排外与怨气的宣泄场。人民日报不得不亲自下场“科普”,试图挽救形象;然而网民的愤怒却并非因为他们“仇外”,而是因为他们早已被体制教会了“封闭与敌意”。

中国政府多年来筑起的信息防火墙,让绝大多数中国人几乎没有与外部世界直接交流的机会。外国人稀少,外语教育僵化,海外媒体被屏蔽——于是,整个互联网舆论生态自然滑向一种封闭、狭隘的民族主义。于是,当K签证出现时,这种“防火墙下的国际化”就成了一场闹剧:民众害怕外国人会“侵占中国”,甚至出现“防止印度化”“五胡乱华重演”的荒诞论调。

但问题的根源,其实并不在于K签证本身,而在于一个长期被禁锢在谎言体系里的社会。一个连自己公民都不信任的政权,又凭什么能吸引外国人才?

看看现实:同样的时间,中国的青年失业率达到18.9%,而且这还是“优化后”的数字;22岁的女留学生张雅笛因为参与“挺藏会”活动被指控“煽动分裂国家罪”,可能面临十五年刑期;网络博主户晨风因为表达不同意见被封号、被围剿。——在这样一个“言论可致罪”的国家,外国人真的敢来吗?

即便他们来了,又会发现自己身处一个“没有WhatsApp、没有YouTube、不能自由上网”的信息孤岛。连最基本的交流都成问题,又何谈创新?

事实上,K签证并不是“开放”的象征,而是当局焦虑的产物。它不是为了吸引人才,而是为了制造一个“我们仍在开放”的假象,好让国际投资者相信这个体制依然稳定、可靠。但对内,它照旧封锁信息、打压异见;对外,它竖起笑脸,企图在全球舞台上争取科技与资本。

这是一场典型的“双面开放”:外向的面具,内向的灵魂。

因此,中国真正需要的“K签证”,并不是发给外国人的,而是发给自己的青年。让他们能够自由迁徙,不被户籍束缚;能够自由表达,而不被删帖封号;能够自由选择信仰,而不用担心被指控“邪教”;能够凭努力改变命运,而不是靠“关系”与“背景”。

只有当中国青年首先成为真正意义上的“公民”,而不是“被统治的对象”,中国才有资格谈对外开放。否则,无论发出多少签证,建多少“人才引进园区”,都只不过是在一堵更高的墙上贴一张“欢迎光临”的标语。

真正的开放,不是让外国人来,而是让中国人走出去、说真话、活得像人。K签证能解决的,只是数字;制度改变的,才是命运。

China’s “K Visa”

A Farce of “Internationalization” Behind the Firewall

Author: Feng Reng
Editor: Zhong Ran     Editor-in-Chief: Luo Zhifei     Translation: tomorrow

Abstract: China’s K visa attempts to attract foreign scientific and technological talents, but closed information, suppression of dissent and youth difficulties make it difficult to achieve true openness. Institutional reform is the key to attracting talents and social development.

According to the seventh national census in 2021, the total number of foreign nationals in China was 845,000, representing only 0.06% of the country’s total population. This means that in a country with a population of over one billion, foreigners are virtually invisible. This proportion is lower than that of India, Japan, and even many African countries, and only slightly higher than that of North Korea. In other words, China is almost the most “ethnically homogeneous” country in the world.

Yet, amidst this reality, Beijing launched the so-called “K visa” policy on October 1st of this year, claiming to attract STEM talent from around the world and create a “Chinese version of the H-1B visa.” This was promoted as a new initiative of “high-level opening up” aimed at competing with the United States for scientific and technological talent.

中国的“K签证”

Ironically, as soon as this visa policy was announced, public opinion turned against it. The Weibo hashtag, “#WillK Visas Let Foreigners Steal Our Jobs#,” trended, and the comments section became a forum for xenophobia and resentment. The People’s Daily was forced to personally address the issue in an attempt to salvage its image. However, netizens’ anger stemmed not from their perceived xenophobia but from the fact that they had long been conditioned by the system to be closed-minded and hostile.

The information firewall erected by the Chinese government over the years has left the vast majority of Chinese people with virtually no opportunities to interact directly with the outside world. With few foreigners, rigid foreign language education, and censored overseas media, the entire online public opinion ecosystem has naturally slid into a closed, narrow-minded nationalism. Consequently, when the K visa was introduced, this “internationalization behind the firewall” became a farce: citizens feared foreigners would “invade China,” even leading to absurd rhetoric about “preventing Indianization” and a “repeat of the Five Barbarians’ Invasion of China.”

But the root of the problem lies not in the K visa itself, but in a society that has long been trapped in a system of lies. How can a regime that doesn’t even trust its own citizens attract foreign talent?

Consider the reality: During the same period, China’s youth unemployment rate reached 18.9%, and that’s an “optimized” figure; 22-year-old international student Zhang Yadi was charged with “inciting secession” for participating in the “Pro-Tibet Association” and faces a possible 15-year prison sentence; online blogger Hu Chenfeng was blocked and targeted for expressing dissenting opinions. In a country where “speech can be a crime,” do foreigners really dare to come?

Even if they do come, they’ll find themselves on an information island with no WhatsApp, no YouTube, and no free internet access. How can innovation be achieved when even basic communication is a problem?

In reality, the K visa isn’t a symbol of “openness” but rather a product of the authorities’ anxiety. It’s not intended to attract talent, but rather to create the illusion of “openness,” reassuring international investors that the system remains stable and reliable. Internally, however, the government continues to block information and suppress dissent. Externally, it maintains a smiling face, attempting to win over technology and capital on the global stage.

This is a classic example of “double-sided opening”: an outward-looking mask, an introverted soul.

Thus, the “K visa” China truly needs isn’t one for foreigners, but for its own young people.

It allows them to move freely, unconstrained by household registration; to express themselves freely without being blocked; to choose their faith freely without fear of being accused of “cultism”; and to change their destiny through hard work, not relying on connections or background.

Only when China’s youth become true “citizens,” rather than “subjects of rule,” can China truly speak of opening up to the outside world. Otherwise, no matter how many visas are issued or how many “talent introduction parks” are built, it will merely be putting a “Welcome” sign on a taller wall.

True openness isn’t about letting foreigners in, but about letting Chinese people go out, speak the truth, and live like human beings.

K visas only address numbers; it’s the system that changes destiny.

何愚:我曾经是一個天使

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作者:何愚(He Yu)
編輯:gloria wang 责任编辑:胡丽莉 校对:冯仍 翻译:tomorrow

我曾经是一只天使
不是在天上
就是在圆形的田野里
圆形的边缘
有蓝色的花边

我才不顾那漂亮的花边
小河的鱼儿
用长长的胡须
牵着我浪走了世界

我才不顾天上的云朵摇摇欲坠
牧羊的小伙
用他奶奶的话儿
给我讲着古言

我就是一只天使
他们不信
我也不信
慢慢地 我也相信了他们

2020年3月29日

I used to be an angel

Text: He Yu
Editor: Gloria Wang Editor-in-Chief: Hu Lili Proofreader: Feng Reng
Translator: tomorrow

I was once an angel—
not in the sky,
but in a round field,
its edges trimmed
with blue lace.

I cared nothing
for that lovely lace.
The little river’s fish,
with their long whiskers,
took me drifting
around the world.

I cared nothing
for clouds trembling above.
A shepherd boy,
with his grandmother’s words,
told me ancient tales.

I was an angel,
they didn’t believe it.
I didn’t believe it either.
Slowly—
I began to believe them.


作者更多文章请见:

https://sites.google.com/view/he-yu/home

https://yibaochina.com/?p=256916

https://minzhuzhongguo.org/?p=110475

https://beijingspring.com/bj2/2010/500/713202435608.htm

https://www.zyd1998.com/archives/5196

https://beijingspring.com/bj2/2010/500/713202435608.htm

零八宪章(一)

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2008年12月9日初稿,12月22日改定

附录:征求意见文本

零 八 宪 章

今年是中国立宪百年,《世界人权宣言》公布60周年,“民主墙”,诞生30周年,中国政府签署《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》10周年。在经历了长期的人权灾难和艰难曲折的抗争历程之后,觉醒的中国公民日渐清楚地认识到,自由、平等、人权是人类共同的普世价值;民主、共和、宪政是现代政治的基本制度架构。抽离了这些普世价值和基本政制架构的“现代化”,是剥夺人的权利、践踏人性、摧毁人的尊严的灾难过程。21世纪的中国将走向何方,是继续这种威权统治下的“现代化”,还是认同普世价值、融入主流文明、建立民主政体?这是一个不容回避的世纪抉择。

1840年的中西冲突揭开了中华大地上“数千年未有之大变局”的序幕。洋务运动开始了器物层面的模仿,戊戌变法尝试了制度更新,辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延续2000多年的君主专制,建立了亚洲第一个共和国。但是囿于当时内忧外患、社会纷争的特定历史条件,共和政体只是昙花一现,这片土地旋即陷入了军阀割据。器物模仿和制度更新的失败,推动国人深入到对文化病根的反思,遂有以“科学与民主”为旗帜的“五四”新文化运动,但由于内战频繁和日本入侵,中国政治民主化历程被迫中断。抗日战争胜利后的中国再次开启宪政历程,但国共内战的结果却让中国陷入了现代极权主义的深渊,1949年建立的“新中国”,名义上是“人民主权”,实质上是一党专制。中共垄断了所有政治、经济和社会资源,制造了反右、大跃进、文革、六•四、打压民间宗教活动和维权运动等一系列人权灾难,致使数千万人失去生命,国家付出了极为惨重的代价。

二十世纪后期的“改革开放”,使中国摆脱了毛泽东时代的普遍贫困和绝对极权,民间财富和民众生活水平有了大幅度提高,个人的经济自由和权利得到部分恢复,公民社会开始生长,民间对人权和政治自由的呼声日益高涨。执政者也在进行走向市场化和私有化的经济改革的同时,开始了从拒绝人权到逐渐承认人权的转变。1998年中国政府签署了两个重要的国际人权公约,2004年把“尊重和保障人权”写进宪法,今年又承诺制订和推行《国家人权行动计划》。但是,这些政治进步迄今为止大多停留在纸面上,有法律而无法治,有宪法而无宪政,仍然是有目共睹的政治现实。执政集团继续坚持维系专制统治、排拒政治变革,由此导致官场腐败,法治难立,人权不彰,道德沦丧,社会两极分化,经济畸形发展,自然环境和人文环境遭到双重破坏,公民的自由、财产和追求幸福的权利得不到制度化的保障,各种社会矛盾不断积累,不满情绪持续高涨,特别是官民对立日益激化,正在酿造着灾难性的暴力冲突,现行体制的落伍已经到了非改不可的地步。

当此决定中国未来命运的历史关头,让我们廓清100多年来的现代化历程,重申如下基本价值理念:

自由:自由是普世价值的核心之所在。言论自由、出版自由、信仰自由、集会自由、结社自由、迁徙自由、罢工自由和游行示威的自由等等都是自由的具体体现。自由不昌,则中国距文明尚远矣。

人权:人权不是国家赐予,而是每个人与生俱来就应享有尊严和自由。保障人权,既是政府的首要目标和公共权力合法性的基础,也是“以人为本”的内在要求。中国的历次政治灾难都与执政当局对人权的无视密切相关。人是国家的主体,国家服务于人民,政府为人民而存在。

平等:每一个个体的人,不论社会地位、职业、性别、经济状况、种族、肤色、宗教或政治信仰,其人格、尊严、自由都是平等的。必须落实法律面前人人平等的原则,落实公民的社会、经济、文化、政治权利平等的原则。

共和:共和就是“大家共治,和平共生”,就是多种利益成分、不同社会集团、多元文化与信仰追求的群体,在平等参政、公平竞争、共同议政的基础上,进行共同治理。

民主:最基本的涵义是人民主权和民选政府。民主具有如下基本特点:(1)政权的合法性来自人民,政治权力来源于人民;(2)政治统治经过人民选择,(3)公民享有真正的选举权,各级政府的主要政务官员必须通过定期的竞选产生。(4)尊重多数人的决定,同时保护少数人的基本人权。一句话,民主使政府成为“民有,民治,民享”的现代公器。

宪政:宪政是通过法律规定和法制来保障宪法确定的公民自由和权利的原则,限制并划定政府权力和行为的边界,并提供相应的制度设施。

在中国,帝国皇权的时代早已一去不复返了;在世界范围内,威权体制也日近黄昏;公民应该成为真正的国家主人。祛除依赖“明君”、“清官”的臣民意识,张扬权利为本、参与为责的公民意识,实践自由,躬行民主,尊奉法治,才是中国的根本出路。藉此,我们本着负责任与建设性的公民精神对国家政制、公民权利与社会发展诸方面提出如下基本主张:

1、根据前述价值理念修改宪法,删除现行宪法中不符合主权在民原则的条文,使宪法真正成为人权的保证书,真正成为公共权力的许可状。

2、构建分权制衡的现代政府,保证立法、司法、行政三权分立。确立法定行政和责任政府的原则,防止行政权力过分扩张;政府应对纳税人负责;公务员应保持政治中立;在中央和地方之间建立分权与制衡制度,中央权力须由宪法明确界定授权,地方实行充分自治。

3、各级民意机关和立法机构由直选产生,立法秉持公平正义原则,实行立法民主。

4、司法应超越党派,实行司法独立,保障司法公正;设立宪法法院,建立违宪审查制度,维护宪法权威。尽早撤销严重危害国家法治的各级党的政法委员会,避免公器私用。

5、实现军队国家化,提高军队职业化水平。军人应效忠于宪法,效忠于国家,在政治上保持中立,政党组织应从军队中退出。

6、切实保障人权,维护人的尊严。设立对最高民意机关负责的人权委员会,防止政府滥用公权侵犯人权,尤其要保障公民的人身自由,任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、传讯、审问、处罚,废除劳动教养制度。

7、全面推行民主选举制度,落实一人一票的平等选举权。行政首长的直选应立即开始在县市省和国家各级推行。定期自由竞争选举和参选行政官员是不可剥夺的基本人权。

8、废除现行的城乡二元户籍制度,落实公民一律平等的宪法权利,保障公民的自由迁徙权。

9、保障公民的结社自由,将现行的社团登记审批制改为备案制。在中国现行国情下,特别要以宪法和法律规范政党行为,取消一党垄断执政特权,确立政党活动自由和公平竞争的原则,实现政党政治正常化和法制化。

10、和平集会、游行、示威和表达自由,是宪法规定的公民基本自由,不应受到执政党和政府的非法干预与违宪限制。

11、落实言论自由、出版自由和学术自由,保障公民的知情权和监督权;制订《新闻法》和《出版法》,废除现行《刑法》中的“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”条款,杜绝以言治罪。

12、保障宗教自由与信仰自由,实行政教分离,宗教信仰活动不受政府干预。审查并撤销限制或剥夺公民宗教自由的行政法规、行政规章和地方性法规;禁止以行政立法管理宗教活动。废除宗教团体(包括宗教活动场所)必经登记始获合法地位的事先许可制度,代之以无须任何审查的备案制。

13、取消服务于一党统治、带有浓厚意识形态色彩的政治教育与政治考试,推广以普世价值和公民权利为本的公民教育。

14、确立和保护私有财产权利,实行自由、开放的市场经济制度,保障创业自由,消除行政垄断;设立对最高民意机关负责的国有资产管理委员会,合法有序地展开产权改革,明晰产权归属和责任者;开展新土地运动,推进土地私有化,切实保障公民尤其是农民的土地所有权。

15、确立民主财政和保障纳税人的权利。建立权责明确的公共财政制度构架和运行机制,建立各级政府合理有效的财政分权体系;对赋税制度进行重大改革,以降低税率、简化税制、公平税负。非经社会公共选择过程,民意机关决议,行政部门不得随意加税、开征新税。通过产权改革,引进多元市场主体和竞争机制,降低金融准入门槛,为发展民间金融创造条件,使现有金融机构充分发挥活力。

16、建立覆盖全体国民的社会保障体制,使国民在教育、医疗、养老和就业等方面得到最基本的保障。

17、保护生态环境,提倡可持续发展,为子孙后代和全人类负责;明确落实国家及其各级官员必须为此承担的相应责任;发挥民间组织在环境保护中的参与和监督的作用。

18、以平等、公正、宽容的姿态参与维持地区和平与发展,塑造一个负责任的大国形象。维护香港、澳门的自由制度。在自由民主的原则下,寻求海峡两岸之间平等谈判与合作互动的方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁荣的可能途径和制度设计,最终在联邦制的架构下建立中华共同体。

19、实现转型正义,为历次政治运动中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家属恢复名誉,给予国家赔偿;释放所有政治犯和良心犯,释放所有因信仰而获罪的人员;成立真相调查委员会,查清历史事件的真相,厘清责任,伸张正义;在此基础上寻求社会和解。

中国作为世界大国,作为联合国安理会五个常任理事国之一和人权理事会的成员,理应为人类和平事业与人权进步做出自身的贡献。但令人遗憾的是,在当今世界的所有大国里,唯独中国还处在威权主义政治生态中,并由此造成连绵不断的人权灾难和社会危机,影响到中华民族自身发展乃至于对整个人类文明的贡献——这一局面必须改变!政治民主化变革不能再拖延下去。

为此,我们本着勇于践行的公民精神,公布《零八宪章》。我们希望所有具有同样危机感、责任感和使命感的中国公民,不分朝野,不论身份,以各自的方式积极参与公民运动,共同推动中国社会的伟大变革,以期早日建成一个自由、民主、宪政的国家,实现国人百余年来锲而不舍的追求与梦想。

宪章首批签名者152人:

(略)

以下待确认:

(略)

何愚 摘自中文笔会:张裕:刘晓波 笔会和《零八宪章》的几个稿本

Charter 08 (I)

First draft, December 9, 2008, revised, December 22

Appendix: Text for Comment

Charter 08

(Draft for Comment)

This year marks the centennial of China’s constitutional establishment, the 60th anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the founding of the “Democracy Wall” (initiated and organized by Mr. Zhu Yufu in 1988), and the 10th anniversary of the Chinese government’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. After enduring a long period of human rights disasters and a difficult and tortuous struggle, awakening Chinese citizens have increasingly come to realize that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values ​​shared by humanity; and that democracy, republicanism, and constitutionalism are the fundamental institutional framework of modern politics.”Modernization” stripped of these universal values ​​and the fundamental political framework is a disastrous process that deprives people of their rights, tramples upon human nature, and destroys their dignity. Where will China head in the 21st century? Will it continue this “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal values, integrate into mainstream civilization, and establish a democratic system? This is an unavoidable choice of the century.

The Sino-Western conflict of 1840 marked the beginning of a major transformation unprecedented in thousands of years across China. The Westernization Movement initiated imitation at the level of artifacts, the Hundred Days’ Reform attempted institutional renewal, and the Xinhai Revolution superficially ended the monarchy that had lasted for over 2,000 years, establishing Asia’s first republic. However, due to the specific historical conditions of internal and external troubles and social strife, the republican system was short-lived, and the land soon fell into warlordism.The failure of imitating objects and updating systems pushed the Chinese people to reflect deeply on the root causes of cultural problems, which led to the May Fourth New Culture Movement with “science and democracy” as its banner. However, due to frequent civil wars and the Japanese invasion, China’s political democratization process was forced to be interrupted.After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, China once again embarked on the path of constitutional government. However, the outcome of the Chinese Civil War plunged China into the abyss of modern totalitarianism. The “New China” established in 1949 nominally advocated “popular sovereignty,” but in reality was a one-party dictatorship. The CCP monopolized all political, economic, and social resources, inflicting a series of human rights disasters, including the Anti-Rightist Movement, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, the June 4th Incident, and the suppression of popular religious activities and rights protection movements. These resulted in the loss of tens of millions of lives and a heavy price for the country.

The “reform and opening up” of the late 20th century lifted China out of the widespread poverty and absolute totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era. Private wealth and living standards increased significantly, individual economic freedoms and rights were partially restored, civil society began to grow, and public demands for human rights and political freedoms grew louder. While the ruling party was carrying out economic reforms toward marketization and privatization, it also began a shift from a rejection of human rights to a gradual recognition of them.In 1998, the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions. In 2004, it incorporated “respecting and protecting human rights” into its constitution. This year, it pledged to develop and implement a national human rights action plan. However, these political advances have largely remained on paper. The political reality remains that there are laws without the rule of law, and a constitution without constitutional governance.The ruling group continues to insist on maintaining autocratic rule and reject political change, which has led to official corruption, difficulty in establishing the rule of law, lack of human rights, moral decline, social polarization, abnormal economic development, and double damage to the natural and human environments. Citizens’ freedom, property and right to pursue happiness are not institutionally guaranteed. Various social contradictions continue to accumulate, and dissatisfaction continues to rise. In particular, the confrontation between officials and the people is becoming increasingly intensified, which is brewing catastrophic violent conflicts. The backwardness of the current system has reached a point where it must be changed.

At this historic juncture that will determine China’s future, let us clarify the course of modernization over the past century and reaffirm the following fundamental values:

Freedom: Freedom is the core of universal values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of belief, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom of movement, freedom to strike, and freedom of demonstration are all concrete manifestations of freedom. Without freedom, China remains far from civilization.

Human rights: Human rights are not granted by the state; rather, they are the dignity and freedom that every person is born with. Protecting human rights is not only the government’s primary goal and the foundation of the legitimacy of public power, but also an inherent requirement of a “people-centered” approach. China’s past political disasters have been closely linked to the ruling authorities’ disregard for human rights. People are the core of the state; the state serves the people, and the government exists for the people.

Equality: Every individual, regardless of social status, occupation, gender, economic status, race, skin color, religion, or political beliefs, is equal in personality, dignity, and freedom. The principle of equality before the law and the equal social, economic, cultural, and political rights of citizens must be upheld.

Republic: Republic means “joint governance and peaceful coexistence”, which means that groups with various interests, different social groups, diverse cultures and beliefs will jointly govern on the basis of equal participation in politics, fair competition and joint discussion of politics.

Democracy: Its most basic meaning is popular sovereignty and democratically elected government. Democracy has the following basic characteristics: (1) The legitimacy of the regime comes from the people, and political power originates from the people; (2) Political rule is chosen by the people; (3) Citizens enjoy genuine electoral rights, and key government officials at all levels must be elected through regular elections. (4) The decisions of the majority are respected, while the basic human rights of the minority are protected. In short, democracy makes the government a modern public institution “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

Constitutionalism: Constitutionalism is the principle of safeguarding the citizens’ freedoms and rights established in the Constitution through legal provisions and legal system, limiting and defining the boundaries of government power and behavior, and providing corresponding institutional facilities.

In China, the era of imperial power is long gone; worldwide, authoritarian systems are also nearing their twilight years. Citizens should become the true masters of their country. Eliminating the subject mentality of relying on “wise rulers” and “honest officials,” promoting a civic consciousness based on rights and responsibility, practicing freedom, practicing democracy, and upholding the rule of law are the fundamental path forward for China. Therefore, in the spirit of responsible and constructive citizenship, we propose the following fundamental propositions regarding the country’s political system, citizens’ rights, and social development:

1. Amend the Constitution in accordance with the aforementioned values ​​and remove provisions in the current Constitution that are inconsistent with the principle of popular sovereignty, so that the Constitution truly serves as a guarantee of human rights and a true license for public power.

2. Build a modern government with checks and balances, ensuring the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive powers. Establish the principles of statutory administration and responsible government to prevent the excessive expansion of executive power. The government should be accountable to taxpayers; civil servants should maintain political neutrality. Establish a system of separation of powers and checks and balances between the central and local governments. Central power must be clearly defined and authorized by the Constitution, and local governments should exercise full autonomy.

3. All levels of public opinion organs and legislative bodies shall be directly elected, and legislation shall uphold the principles of fairness and justice, practicing legislative democracy.

4. The judiciary shall transcend partisanship, exercise judicial independence, and guarantee judicial fairness. A constitutional court shall be established, and a system of constitutional review shall be established to safeguard the authority of the Constitution. Party political and legal committees at all levels that seriously undermine the rule of law in the country shall be abolished as soon as possible to prevent the misuse of public resources for private purposes.

5. The military shall be nationalized and its professionalism enhanced. Soldiers shall be loyal to the Constitution and the nation, and remain politically neutral. Political parties shall withdraw from the military.

6. Effectively protect human rights and uphold human dignity. A human rights commission accountable to the highest public authority should be established to prevent the government from abusing public power and violating human rights. Citizens’ personal freedom must be guaranteed, and no one should be subjected to illegal arrest, detention, summons, interrogation, or punishment. The reeducation-through-labor system should be abolished.

7. Fully implement a democratic electoral system and ensure the equal right to vote, with one person, one vote. Direct elections of administrative heads should be implemented immediately at the county, city, provincial, and national levels. Regular, free, and competitive elections for and participation in administrative office are inalienable fundamental human rights.

8. Abolish the current dual urban-rural household registration system, implement the constitutional rights of equal opportunity for all citizens, and safeguard citizens’ right to free movement.

9. Guarantee citizens’ freedom of association by replacing the current registration and approval system for social organizations with a filing system. Given China’s current national conditions, it is particularly important to regulate the behavior of political parties in accordance with the Constitution and laws, eliminate the one-party monopoly on ruling privileges, establish the principles of free party activities and fair competition, and achieve the normalization and legalization of party politics.

10. Freedom of peaceful assembly, procession, demonstration, and expression are fundamental civil liberties enshrined in the Constitution and should not be subject to illegal interference or unconstitutional restrictions by the ruling party and government.

11. Implement freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom, safeguarding citizens’ rights to know and oversight; formulate a Press Law and a Publishing Law, abolish the “incitement to subvert state power” provision in the current Criminal Law, and put an end to criminalizing people for their speech.

12. Guarantee religious freedom and freedom of belief, implement the separation of religion and state, and ensure that religious activities are free from government interference. Review and revoke administrative regulations, rules, and local laws that restrict or deprive citizens of religious freedom; prohibit the use of administrative legislation to manage religious activities. Abolish the prior authorization system that requires religious groups (including religious venues) to obtain legal status and replace it with a filing system that does not require any review.

13. Abolish political education and examinations that serve one-party rule and are heavily tinged with ideology, and promote civic education based on universal values ​​and citizens’ rights.

14. Establish and protect private property rights, implement a free and open market economic system, guarantee freedom of entrepreneurship, and eliminate administrative monopolies; establish a State-owned Assets Management Commission accountable to the highest public opinion organ, carry out property rights reform in a legal and orderly manner, clarify property ownership and responsibilities; launch a new land movement, promote land privatization, and effectively protect the land ownership of citizens, especially farmers.

15. Establish democratic finance and safeguard taxpayer rights. Establish a public finance system framework and operational mechanism with clear responsibilities and powers, and establish a rational and effective system of fiscal decentralization at all levels of government. Carry out major reforms to the tax system to reduce tax rates, simplify the tax system, and ensure fair tax burdens. Administrative departments may not arbitrarily increase or impose new taxes without a public choice process and a resolution by public opinion bodies. Through property rights reform, introduce diversified market players and a competitive mechanism, lower financial entry barriers, create conditions for the development of private finance, and enable existing financial institutions to fully revitalize themselves.

16. Establish a social security system covering all citizens, ensuring they receive the most basic protections in education, healthcare, retirement, and employment.

17. Protect the ecological environment, promote sustainable development, and take responsibility for future generations and all of humanity. Clearly define the responsibilities that the state and its officials at all levels must assume in this regard. Furthermore, leverage the role of non-governmental organizations in participating in and overseeing environmental protection.

18. Participate in maintaining regional peace and development with an attitude of equality, fairness, and tolerance, and cultivate the image of a responsible major power. Uphold the free systems of Hong Kong and Macao. Under the principles of freedom and democracy, seek solutions for equal negotiation and cooperative interaction across the Taiwan Strait. With great wisdom, explore possible paths and institutional designs for the common prosperity of all ethnic groups, ultimately establishing a Chinese community within a federal framework.

19. Achieve transitional justice, restore the reputation of those who suffered political persecution in previous political movements and their families, and provide state compensation; release all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, and release all those convicted for their beliefs; establish a truth-finding committee to ascertain the truth of historical events, clarify responsibilities, and uphold justice; and seek social reconciliation on this basis.

As a major world power, one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, and a member of the Human Rights Council, China should make its own contributions to the cause of human peace and the advancement of human rights. Unfortunately, among all the major powers in the world today, China alone remains trapped in an authoritarian political environment. This has resulted in continuous human rights disasters and social crises, impacting the development of the Chinese nation and even its contribution to human civilization as a whole. This situation must change! Political democratization cannot be delayed any longer.

To this end, we, in the spirit of courageous civic action, publish Charter 08. We hope that all Chinese citizens, regardless of government or opposition, who share a common sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, will actively participate in the civic movement in their own ways and jointly promote the great transformation of Chinese society, with the goal of establishing a free, democratic, and constitutional nation at an early date, and realizing the unwavering pursuit and dream of the Chinese people for over a century.

The first 152 signatories of the Charter are:

(omitted)

The following are pending confirmation:

(omitted)

He Yu, Excerpted from the Chinese PEN Center: Zhang Yu: Liu Xiaobo, PEN Center, and Several Drafts of Charter 08

Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Feng Reng

Translation: tomorrow

我的兄弟邹巍

0
我的兄弟邹巍

作者:小乔
责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:刘芳

我的兄弟邹巍

我和邹巍兄弟相识于十年前,而在此之前,我们于网络上的交流则更早,早在2008年我去国之前,邹巍兄弟就曾邀约我去杭城一见,那时我所在的城市上海距离杭州不过一、两小时的车程,且杭州是我“故地”,90年代我曾在杭打工两年,对这座风光旖旎、人文荟萃的城市颇多好感,无奈彼时我已被有司“重点关照”,非但有过被从旅游地“押解”回沪的经历,还往往连累到当地接待的盆友被盘问等诸多不便,因此我对邹兄弟的邀约犹疑未决。

后来,我去国五载,又经历一番“曲折”回国,兜兜转转,在于网络“神交”多年之后,我才在2015年第一次见到了邹巍兄弟。邹巍兄弟衣着简朴,语言平和,对待朋友非常热心、真诚。那之后,我们就成了无话不谈的朋友,多数时候是通过网络。

邹兄弟曾是浙大毕业的高材生,但由于“众所周知”的原因,他却多年来无法正常工作,生活陷于困顿。而在此困厄中,他依旧有着达观的生活态度和对人的真诚、善意与乐于助人。对于时局,他比我乐观,认为“世界潮流浩浩荡荡,顺之者昌,逆之者亡”,“道路是曲折的,前途是光明的”,文明的潮流势不可挡,我等“但问耕耘莫问收获”。而我则在去国飘零五年后,回来再度面临故园的种种凋敝,尤其经历过 2017 年的重大打击后,又眼见着役情、封控等种种的末世疯狂,愈发地心灰意冷,深陷个人的渺小与无力感,只能在命运的潮流中随波逐流,以“躺平”面对无常。

邹兄弟每年主持着杭城朋友为各地难友的“送饭”,并时不时为公义挺身而出身体力行。之后我又去过杭城三四回,每一次邹兄弟总是热情地为我和朋友张罗安顿住处,并尽力抽空陪我们在秀丽的西子湖畔和运河两岸观光游览。未曾想去岁夏,邹兄弟只不过与其他几位朋友,就在孙中山先生发出上一段中的感慨“名言”之地散散步,献上几束花,竟让他与另一位兄弟身陷囹圄,至今已有半载。

一月前的岁末之交,我于公历2024年的最后一日再度来到杭城,暂居于之前邹兄弟介绍认识的另一位好友家中,我们回忆起往昔与邹兄弟在一起的快乐时光,担忧着他目下的处境,尤其他还是一位几年前曾做过癌症手术的病患者,虽说他手术后的定期复查显示预后不错,一直没有复发迹象,但他如今所处的恶劣环境……想起邹兄弟前几年每一年的岁末张罗着为杭城和其他地方的难友“送饭”,如今为他人抱薪者遭逢风刀霜剑严相摧,我们却不知能为他做点什么?不禁扼腕长叹。

第二天,朋友开车带我去一家养老院,探望了邹兄弟八旬高龄的老母,老人家神气清朗,对我和朋友的探望一再表示谢意。我们只能尽量安慰老人:邹巍有很多的朋友都很敬重、关注他,他没什么大事,很快就会回来。而我这样对老人说时,是“心虚”的,因为天知道邹兄弟这一次的劫难会是多久?我从朋友那里了解到,邹兄弟的父亲身体状况更不好,需要长期住医院,且神志已不太清醒,无法交流,因此去探望与否可能意义不大。之前邹兄弟长期在家照顾年迈父母,他唯一的妹妹则长期在国外工作,担负着家里主要的经济重担。

邹巍“出事”以后,妹妹回国将原本在家由邹巍照顾的母亲安顿进了一家条件不错的养老院,而父亲的身体状况,已经只适合长期住在医院里。由于要负担两位老人每月不菲的生活和医疗费用,妹妹不能放弃国外的工作,因此只得将两位老人安顿下来后,委托在杭城的朋友照顾、处理日常一些事宜。我暂时放弃了去医院探望邹父的打算,请那位朋友帮忙约了几位与邹巍的“按情”相关的朋友,一起吃饭、交流,想了解更多的信息,判断下一步的按情走向。

当我们吃完午饭,回到附近一位朋友的办公室茶叙时,不幸有司突然找上门来,进门就问:“你们这里哪位是上海来的?”我站起身答道:“我是。”这种突如其来的“不可描述”的“意外”状况,令我颇感觉诧异,毕竟在此之前我的三四次来杭未曾经历过如此待遇,包括最近一次与邹巍见面的2023年夏,那次我还与刚出“炼狱”不久的艳丽妹子同行,在杭城邹兄弟与其他几位朋友轮番陪同,足足逛了五天……感谢有司那次的不“逐客”之恩。(此处省略1000字)

总之,在我抵达杭城的翌日,新年元旦,我被有司下达了“逐客令”,便衣同志客气地开车“礼送”我至火车站,确认我订好了回程票后,说道:我们就不跟车站这边的同志打招呼了,免得对你造成不便……这次大概有些特殊情况不巧,下次适当的时候你可以再来。我不想与具体工作人员起什么冲突,但还是怀着郁闷的心情,在新年的第一天“被迫”离开了杭城。而我原本的计划也只不过在此停留两三天,只是想探望一下邹兄弟的父母,见几位朋友了解一下相关信息,原本也打算3号就离开。

今天是除夕夜,面对着美酒佳肴和亲朋的欢声笑语,我不禁又想到了蒙难的邹巍兄弟,不知道他在那边过得好不好?过年了,可吃得上一口可口的饭菜?可有汤圆或水饺?就在去年春节,邹巍兄弟还在微信聊天时邀我带上年迈的父亲去杭城一游,说吃住他来安排,我因为父亲年迈,不欲在寒冷冬日里远行而错过了与邹兄弟见面的一次机会。

总以为来日方长,天涯未远,江湖再见有时。而今故人零落已无声,重来不见昔时容,空忆起“桃李春风一杯酒”,但愿不会是“江湖夜雨十年灯”。

“此后如竟没有炬火,我便是唯一的光”,邹巍兄弟,我知道,你是怀着乡贤这般的信念与使命感,自我选择了自己的路。我虽满心牵挂,也只能目送你的征程,并在心里默默为你祝福。兄弟,新年好!多保重!我们期待着你的归来。

My Brother ZOU Wei

Author: Xiaoqiao
Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Liu Fang

I first met my brother ZOU Wei ten years ago, though our exchanges online began much earlier. As far back as 2008, before I went abroad, ZOU had already invited me to visit him in Hangzhou. At that time, I was living in Shanghai, only an hour or two away by train, and Hangzhou was a place dear to me. I had worked there for two years in the 1990s and held a deep affection for that city of graceful scenery and rich culture. I was, at that time, already under “special attention” from the authorities. I had once been escorted back to Shanghai from a trip and had often caused trouble for any friends who received me, as they would be questioned afterward. For that reason, I hesitated to accept Wei’s invitation.

Later, after spending five years abroad and enduring a circuitous return home, I finally met my brother ZOU Wei in person in 2015—after years of friendship nurtured only through the internet. He dressed plainly and spoke softly, yet his kindness and sincerity radiated. From then on, we became close, sharing everything, though most of our conversations still took place online.

Wei was a top graduate of Zhejiang University, but for reasons that need no elaboration, he had long been unable to find steady employment and lived in financial hardship. Yet even amid those struggles, he remained optimistic, kindhearted, and ever ready to help others. He was far more optimistic about the world than I. Wei believed that ‘the tide of history is irresistible; those who follow it will prosper, those who defy it will perish.’ He liked to quote, ‘The road is tortuous, but the future is bright.’ Civilization, he would say, always moves forward. As for us, ‘we should sow without asking when we will harvest.’ I, having returned from five drifting years abroad, found myself disillusioned by decay at home—especially after the blows of 2017 and the madness of the pandemic and lockdowns. I felt small, helpless, and could only choose to lie still and let the current carry me.

Every year, Wei organized meals for those in need across Hangzhou and other places. Whenever I visited the city—three or four times in total—he would warmly arrange everything for my stay, taking time to accompany us along the West Lake and the Grand Canal. But last summer, fate turned cruel. Wei and a few friends merely walked by a spot where Sun Yat-sen once uttered a famous line about the destiny of the nation. They laid a few flowers there—and for that simple act, Wei and another companion were imprisoned. It has been half a year since.

At the end of 2024, I returned to Hangzhou again. Staying with an old friend Wei had introduced, we reminisced about our times together and worried about him—especially since he had undergone cancer surgery a few years before. His follow-up tests had shown good recovery, but now, in such harsh conditions, how could his health endure? Every New Year’s Eve, he would once organize meals for others; now the one who carried the torch has been struck down, and we, left behind, can only sigh in helplessness.

The next day, a friend drove me to a nursing home to visit Wei’s elderly mother. She was in her eighties, yet her eyes still bright. She thanked us repeatedly for coming. We tried to reassure her, saying that Wei had many friends who cared about him and that he would surely return soon. But as I spoke, my heart faltered—who could truly say how long his ordeal would last? I learned from a friend that Zou’s father was in even poorer health—he needed to stay in the hospital for long-term care. His mind was no longer clear, and he could hardly communicate, so visiting him would have meant little. For many years, Wei had been caring for his aging parents at home, while his only sister worked abroad, carrying most of the family’s financial burden.

After Wei’s “incident,” his sister returned to China and placed their mother—whom Wei had been caring for—into a well-appointed nursing home. Their father, whose condition had worsened, could now only remain in the hospital permanently. Because she must bear the considerable monthly expenses for both parents’ living and medical costs, Wei’s sister could not give up her job overseas. After arranging for their care, she entrusted some friends in Hangzhou to look after the elderly couple and handle their daily matters. I decided not to visit the hospital for the time being and instead asked one of those friends to invite several people familiar with Wei’s case to have a meal together, to exchange information and learn more about the situation, hoping to understand where things might go next.

After lunch, we were having tea when officials suddenly appeared, asking, ‘Who here is from Shanghai?’ I stood up and said, ‘I am.’ Such unexpected visits surprised me—none of my earlier trips to Hangzhou had drawn such attention, even my meeting with Wei in the summer of 2023, when we spent five carefree days exploring the city. (About 1,000 words omitted here for brevity.)

The next morning, New Year’s Day, I was given a ‘departure notice.’ Plainclothes officers courteously drove me to the train station, confirming my ticket home. ‘We won’t inform the staff here,’ one said. ‘We don’t want to cause you trouble.’ …It seems there were some special circumstances this time. Perhaps you can come again when the time is right. I did not wish to argue with the staff or cause any conflict, but I still left Hangzhou with a heavy heart on the first day of the new year—forced to depart. My plan had been simple: to stay only two or three days, visit Wei’s parents, meet a few friends, and learn more about his situation. I had even intended to leave on the third.

Now it is New Year’s Eve. Surrounded by fine food, wine, and the cheerful voices of family and friends, my thoughts once again turn to my unfortunate brother Zou. I cannot help but wonder—how is he doing over there? It is the New Year; can he at least have a warm and satisfying meal? Perhaps a bowl of dumplings or sweet rice balls? Just last Spring Festival, my brother Zou invited me over WeChat to bring my elderly father to Hangzhou for a visit. He said he would take care of everything—our meals and lodging alike. But because of my father’s age, I hesitated to travel far in the cold of winter, and thus missed what would become a chance to see him once more.

I thought there would be plenty of time ahead, that distance was never too great, and that someday, somewhere, we would meet again in this wandering world.

Now, the years have fallen silent. I can no longer see his face, only remember the warmth of our friendship. I recall the ancient line of poetry, “A cup of wine beneath the blossoms in spring,” and pray it will not become “a decade of lamplight flickering through rain and exile”.

‘If no torch remains, I will be the light.’ My brother Wei, I know that you chose your path out of conviction and faith. Though I am filled with worry, I can only watch your journey from afar and silently wish you well. Brother, Happy New Year. Take care. We await your return.

双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动

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双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动

作者:曾群兰

编辑:胡丽莉 责任编辑:罗志飞

我叫曾群兰,来自江西吉安。2025年10月11日,我与中国民主党人及海外民运人士一道,参加了由  中国民主党、《在野党》杂志社、中国民主人权联盟及全能基督灭共阵线联合主办的——《双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动》

作为本次活动的主持人之一及《在野党》杂志社宣发部副部长。

我怀着无比激动与庄严的心情,站在洛杉矶这片自由的土地上,高举青天白日满地红的旗帜,与志同道合的朋友们一同缅怀历史、呼唤自由。
双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动

Commemoration of the Double Tenth Day and the 759th Jasmine Action

Author: ZENG QunlanEditor: HU Lili · Executive Editor: LUO Zhifei Translator: LIU Fang

My name is ZENG Qunlan, and I come from Ji’an, Jiangxi Province.

On October 11, 2025, together with members of the China Democracy Party, overseas democracy activists, and human rights advocates, I participated in the Commemoration of the Double Tenth Day and the 759th Jasmine Action, co-hosted by the China Democracy Party, Opposition Party magazine, the Chinese Democratic and Human Rights Alliance, and the Almighty Christ Anti-Communist Front.

I served as one of the hosts of the event and as Deputy Director of the Publicity Department of The Opposition Party magazine.

With deep excitement and solemn emotion, I stood on the free soil of Los Angeles, raising high the Blue Sky, White Sun, and a Wholly Red Earth flag, joining like-minded friends in remembering history and calling out for freedom.

双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动

用车轮丈量信念——“CCP VIRUS 美东行”纪实

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用车轮丈量信念——“CCP VIRUS 美东行”纪实

作者:杨长兵
编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞

【实时报道】2025年10月7日 · 美国洛杉矶

“CCP VIRUS 美东行”巡游队伍今日抵达加利福尼亚州好莱坞星光大道中国剧院及中国驻洛杉矶总领事馆,举行盛大的抗议活动。

著名雕塑家陈维明先生驾车拉着“CCP VIRUS”雕塑领航巡游。中国民主党党员与自由志士们高举横幅,高呼口号:

“结束中共!”

“追究中共制造与释放新冠病毒的责任!”

“赔偿全球受害者!”

“释放所有政治犯!”

用车轮丈量信念——“CCP VIRUS 美东行”纪实

抗议者在中国剧院门前与总领馆外高声呐喊:“结束中共!” “释放王炳章!” “释放高智晟!” “自由中国!自由香港!”现场气氛热烈,吸引了众多民众与游客驻足关注。

陈维明先生与金秀红女士分别在中国剧院前及中国驻洛杉矶总领事馆前发表演讲,痛斥中共祸害人类、危害世界,呼吁国际社会追究中共制造并传播新冠病毒的罪责,并要求中共向全球受害者进行赔偿。

此次“CCP VIRUS 美东行”历时整整一个月,全程近八千英里,穿越二十个州,拜访数十个政府单位与著名景点。一路上虽历经艰辛、风餐露宿,但队员们始终秉持信念,坚持用行动揭露中共暴政、捍卫自由真理。这不仅是一场跨越美国东西部的巡游,更是一段精神的征程——他们用车轮丈量信念的力量,用呐喊唤醒良知的回响。

Measuring Conviction by Wheels — A Chronicle of the “CCP VIRUS East Coast Tour”

Author: Yang Changbi
Editor:LI Congling Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei

Abstract: The “CCP VIRUS East Coast Tour” convoy arrived today at the TCL Chinese Theatre on Hollywood Boulevard and the Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles, holding a large-scale protest event.

Live Report: October 7, 2025 · Los Angeles, USA

The “CCP VIRUS East Coast Tour” convoy arrived today at the Chinese Theatre on Hollywood’s Walk of Fame and at the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, staging a grand protest.

Renowned sculptor CHEN Weiming led the parade, driving a vehicle towing his “CCP VIRUS” sculpture.

Members of the China Democracy Party and freedom advocates held banners high and shouted slogans:

“End the CCP!”

“Hold the CCP accountable for creating and releasing the COVID-19 virus!”

“Compensate the global victims!”

“Free all political prisoners!”

用车轮丈量信念——“CCP VIRUS 美东行”纪实

Protesters shouted outside the Chinese Theatre and the Consulate: “End the CCP!” “Free Wang Bingzhang!” “Free GAO Zhisheng!” “Free China! Free Hong Kong!”

The atmosphere was intense and passionate, drawing the attention of passersby and tourists.

Mr. CHEN Weiming and Ms. JIN Xiuhong delivered speeches in front of the Chinese Theatre and the Chinese Consulate, condemning the CCP for its crimes against humanity and calling on the international community to hold it accountable for the creation and spread of COVID-19, demanding compensation for global victims.

The “CCP VIRUS East Coast Tour” lasted a full month, covering nearly 8,000 miles across twenty states and visiting dozens of government offices and landmarks.

Despite hardships, sleepless nights, and rough conditions, the team persevered with conviction — exposing CCP tyranny and defending freedom and truth through their journey.

It was more than a tour across America — it was a spiritual journey. They measured the strength of conviction with their wheels and awakened the echoes of conscience with their voices.

“双十”精神与自由中国——庆祝中华民国国庆日

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作者:李聪玲
编辑:张致君   责任编辑:罗志飞     校对:熊辩   翻译:彭小梅

1911年10月10日,武昌城头的第一声枪响,击碎了两千年的封建帝制,也点燃了中华民族追求民主自由的火种。辛亥革命并非完美,但它是中国历史上第一次以人民的名义推翻专制的革命,是第一次以“共和”为目标建立国家的政治实验。

1912年,中华民国宣告成立,孙中山先生提出“天下为公”、“主权在民”的理念,从此,“国家属于国民”成为中国现代政治的起点。中华民国不仅是一个政权的名称,更是一种政治信念的象征——它代表了人民可以选择自己的政府,宪法高于个人权力,言论自由不被恐惧压制的国家构想。这正是今日台湾得以成为亚洲最自由、最开放社会的根基。

然而,这段历史在中国大陆被彻底篡改。中共篡权建政后,不仅摧毁了民国的制度与记忆,更用系统性的宣传机器将“中华民国”从教科书、报纸、银幕乃至集体记忆中抹去。中共以“新中国”的名义,掩盖了自己通过暴力、内战与苏联支持建立政权的事实,将“中华民国”污蔑为“反动政权”,将“台湾”诬指为“叛离祖国的一部分”。这种谎言延续至今。中共的历史叙事中,辛亥革命被“截断”,孙中山被“篡改”,民国被“抹黑”,而1949年之后的中国,被包装成“新生”的、唯一合法的中国。但事实上,中共并非中华民国的继承者,而是它的篡夺者。中华民国的宪政体制从未中断,它在台湾延续、改革、发展,成为真正代表“自由中国”的国家。

任何政权的合法性,来自人民的自由选择与公开授权。中共从未通过全民选举获得统治地位,它依靠的是枪杆子、恐惧和暴力。1949年后,它在“解放”的口号下镇压异议、摧毁民间社会,制造了大跃进饿死数千万人的惨剧、“文革”中对人性的肆虐、“六·四”枪声下对人民的屠杀,以及当今对维吾尔、西藏、香港与异议公民的迫害。这样的政权,没有任何道义上的正当性,更没有政治上的合法性。中共常以“主权”和“统一”作为统治的最后遮羞布,但问题是:一个没有民意授权的党,有什么资格代表中国?一个篡改历史、剥夺公民自由的政权,有什么资格谈“国家尊严”?真正的中国尊严,不在于统一版图,而在于是否能保障人民的自由与尊严。

而台湾的存在,是对中共谎言最有力的反驳。在那里,中华民国的宪政精神得以延续与升华。从蒋经国开放党禁、报禁,到李登辉推动民主化,再到陈水扁、马英九、蔡英文的政党轮替,台湾证明了一个事实:中国人完全有能力在民主制度下实现良治。台湾有独立的军队、政府、司法体系、货币与护照,实行自由选举,政权和平交接,这些都清楚显示——中华民国是一个主权独立的国家。中共所谓“武统台湾”的威胁,不仅是对台湾自由的挑衅,更是对辛亥革命精神的彻底背叛。那些曾高喊“驱除鞑虏,恢复中华”的革命先烈,绝不会容忍一个新的独裁政党再度奴役中国人民。

七十多年来,中共刻意混淆“党”与“国”,把爱国主义绑架为对党的忠诚,把质疑政权等同“叛国”。但我们必须清楚地说:中共不等于中国,爱国不等于爱共产党。中国属于十四亿人民,而不是中共少数特权者的私产。真正的爱国,是希望祖国摆脱谎言与恐惧,是让中国人拥有思想与言论的自由,是让孩子们读到真实的历史,不再被洗脑教育所蒙蔽。中共把“统一”当作掩盖腐败的口号,把“民族主义”当作转移国内矛盾的工具。但在信息自由流通的今天,越来越多的中国人正在觉醒:他们看见台湾的新闻自由,看见香港的悲剧,看见乌克兰人抵抗暴政的勇气,也开始质疑自己长期生活的国度。

我们呼吁中国大陆人民:觉醒吧!不要再被虚假的“民族大义”绑架,也不要再被“西方阴谋论”吓倒。要问自己:为什么在中国,批评政府要坐牢?说真话要匿名?为什么我们的国家强大了,人民却不自由?为什么一党统治要靠防火墙与审查维持?

自由不是外国的特权,它是人类的普遍权利。民主不是混乱,它是制度化的监督与和平更替。中华民国在台湾的存在,正是证明了这条道路的可行。我们相信,总有一天,中华民国的国旗不仅在台北升起,也将在大陆的天空再度飘扬。那一天的到来,取决于每一个愿意追求真相、拒绝谎言的中国人。

“双十”不仅是一个纪念日,更是一面旗帜。它象征着推翻暴政、追求共和的勇气,象征着自由中国仍在延续。今天,我们庆祝中华民国国庆日,不只是庆祝一个国家的生日,更是在捍卫一种信念——那就是:自由与真理,终将战胜谎言与恐惧。

 中共可以禁言、可以封网、可以制造恐惧,但它无法消灭人民对自由的渴望。因为那火种,早在1911年10月10日,就已点燃。而今天,我们要让那火光,再次照亮中国的夜空。

“Double Tenth” Spirit and Free China — Celebrating the National Day of the Republic of China

Author: Congling Li
Editor: Zhijun Zhang Executive Editor: Zhifei Luo Proofread: Bian Xiong Translator: Xiaomei Peng

On October 10, 1911, the first gunfire over Wuchang shattered two thousand years of imperial despotism and ignited the flame of the Chinese nation’s pursuit of democracy and freedom. The Xinhai Revolution was far from perfect, but it marked the first time in Chinese history that a regime of tyranny was overthrown in the name of the people. It was the first political experiment aimed at building a republic.

In 1912, the Republic of China was founded. Dr. Sun Yat-sen put forward the ideals of “the world belongs to all” and “sovereignty resides in the people.” From then on, the concept that “the nation belongs to its citizens” became the starting point of modern Chinese politics. The Republic of China was not merely the name of a state; it was a symbol of political conviction — that people could choose their own government, that the constitution stands above personal power, and that freedom of speech should never be suppressed by fear. This ideal became the foundation of today’s Taiwan — the freest and most open society in Asia.

Yet this chapter of history has been completely erased in mainland China. After seizing power, the Chinese Communist Party not only destroyed the institutions and memory of the Republic of China but also used a systematic propaganda machine to obliterate “the Republic of China” from textbooks, newspapers, screens, and even collective memory. Under the banner of the so-called “New China,” the CCP concealed its rise through violence, civil war, and Soviet backing, vilifying the Republic of China as a “reactionary regime” and branding Taiwan as a “separatist province.” These lies persist to this day. In the CCP’s historical narrative, the Xinhai Revolution is cut off, Sun Yat-sen’s legacy is distorted, and the Republic of China is blackened, while post-1949 China is repackaged as a “reborn” and “sole legitimate” nation. In truth, the CCP is not the heir of the Republic of China but its usurper. The constitutional system of the Republic of China has never been interrupted; it has survived, reformed, and flourished in Taiwan — the genuine embodiment of a Free China.

The legitimacy of any government arises from the free choice and public consent of its people. The CCP has never obtained power through democratic elections. Its rule is maintained through the gun, fear, and violence. Since 1949, under the banner of “liberation,” it has crushed dissent and civil society, causing unspeakable disasters: tens of millions starved to death in the Great Leap Forward; the Cultural Revolution unleashed a storm of brutality against humanity; the gunfire of June Fourth slaughtered unarmed citizens; and even today, persecution continues against Uyghurs, Tibetans, Hongkongers, and dissidents. Such a regime has no moral legitimacy, nor any political one.The CCP often invokes “sovereignty” and “unity” as its final fig leaf. But one must ask: what right does a party without popular mandate have to represent China? What claim to “national dignity” can a regime make when it censors truth and robs its citizens of freedom? The true dignity of China lies not in territorial unification but in whether its people live with freedom and dignity.

Taiwan’s existence stands as the most powerful refutation of the CCP’s lies. There, the constitutional spirit of the Republic of China lives on and has evolved. From Chiang Ching-kuo’s lifting of martial law and ending of press restrictions, to Lee Teng-hui’s democratization, to the peaceful alternation of power under Chen Shui-bian, Ma Ying-jeou, and Tsai Ing-wen — Taiwan proves one simple truth: the Chinese people are fully capable of good governance under democracy. Taiwan has its own military, government, judiciary, currency, and passport; it holds free elections and peaceful transfers of power — all evidence that the Republic of China is a sovereign, independent state. The CCP’s threat to “unify Taiwan by force” is not only an assault on Taiwan’s freedom but a total betrayal of the spirit of the 1911 Revolution. The revolutionaries who once cried “Expel the Manchus, Restore China” would never tolerate a new despot enslaving the Chinese people anew.

For over seventy years, the CCP has deliberately conflated “the Party” with “the Nation,” equating patriotism with loyalty to the Party, and branding dissent as “treason.” But we must speak plainly: the CCP is not China, and loving one’s country does not mean loving the Communist Party. China belongs to its 1.4 billion people, not to a handful of privileged elites. True patriotism means freeing the homeland from lies and fear, enabling Chinese citizens to think and speak freely, and allowing children to learn real history instead of brainwashed propaganda. The CCP has used “national unity” to cover its corruption and “nationalism” to distract from domestic crises. Yet in an age of open information, more and more Chinese are awakening: they see Taiwan’s free press, Hong Kong’s tragedy, and the courage of Ukrainians resisting tyranny — and they begin to question the country they live in.

We call upon the people of mainland China: Awaken! Do not be deceived by false “national righteousness,” nor cowed by the specter of “Western conspiracy.” Ask yourselves: why must truth-tellers hide their names? Why does speaking one’s mind mean risking prison? Why, if our nation is so “strong,” are our people still unfree? Why must a ruling party rely on firewalls and censorship to sustain itself?

Freedom is not the privilege of the West — it is the universal right of humankind. Democracy is not chaos — it is institutionalized accountability and peaceful transition of power. The very existence of the Republic of China in Taiwan proves this path is possible. One day, we believe, the flag of the Republic of China will rise not only over Taipei but once again over the skies of the mainland. That day will come when every Chinese who yearns for truth and rejects lies chooses courage over silence.

The “Double Tenth” is more than a commemoration — it is a banner. It symbolizes the courage to overthrow tyranny and the perseverance to pursue republican ideals. It reminds us that Free China still lives on. Today, as we celebrate the National Day of the Republic of China, we do more than mark a nation’s birthday — we reaffirm a conviction: that freedom and truth will ultimately triumph over lies and fear.

The CCP can silence voices, block the Internet, and spread terror — but it cannot extinguish the people’s longing for liberty. For that flame was kindled long ago, on October 10, 1911. And today, it is our mission to let that fire once again illuminate China’s night sky.

心有所信,向光而行——郑存柱专访

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心有所信,向光而行——郑存柱专访

记者:赵杰、林小龙 资料整理:林小龙 编辑校对:张致君 翻译:吕峰

在中国近代政治转型的曲折历程中,总有一群人始终以理想为灯,以信念为路。他们或沉默坚守,或挺身而出,在历史的激流中为时代留下注脚。郑存柱,既是1989年风云变幻中的亲历者,也是中国民主转型道路上执着的追梦人。从教育岗位到街头游行,从企业家到在野政治力量的一员,他的生命轨迹既见证了时代的撕裂,也体现了思想与责任的重量。在这次深度专访中,郑存柱先生回望八九记忆,剖析民主理念的坚守与实践,坦露他对中国未来的深切期待。无论身处何地,他始终坚持:政治体制改革,才是民族振兴不可或缺的一步。

郑存柱,现任《在野党》杂志社社长

赵杰:郑老师,您好。我们在开始正式采访之前,先向读者简单介绍一下您的背景。您是安徽合肥人,毕业于合肥教育学院英语系,后来又获得了上海师范大学文学硕士学位。1995年您下海经商创办企业,而在此之前,您曾于1989年参与并发起了安徽省高校学生自治联合会,并率领数百名学生赴京声援天安门事件,是安徽省学校与政府秘密谈判的代表之一。这样的经历十分特殊。能否请您先谈谈,当时您为何会带领学生走上街头?

郑存柱:那是1989年。整个八十年代是中国社会思潮活跃、改革呼声高涨的时期。改革开放使经济体制有了松动,但政治体制改革始终滞后。正如邓小平所说,如果只搞经济体制改革,不搞政治体制改革,就像一个人只用一条腿走路,是走不下去的。温家宝总理后来也提到过,如果没有政治体制改革作保障,经济改革的成果会付诸东流,甚至文革还可能重演。八十年代后期,社会矛盾开始凸显。城乡改革推进后,利益分配不均、下岗潮、物价上涨、权力寻租等问题集中爆发。由于“计划经济与市场经济并行”的双轨制,一些掌握批条权力的干部可以低价获得稀缺资源,再以高价倒卖,从中牟取暴利。这让普通民众的生活压力陡增,也让社会充满不平。在这样的背景下,知识分子与大学生成为要求政治改革的主要群体。1988年中共十三大曾提出“政治体制改革”的概念,但改革派与保守派的博弈让进程停滞。当胡耀邦因改革失势被迫下台、最终去世时,全国学生的悼念情绪迅速转化为对政治改革的诉求。我当时在安徽省教育学院任教。作为教师,我切身感受到教育体制的危机——教师纷纷辞职下海,教育质量下降,社会对知识分子的尊重日益减少。我们认为,如果政治体制不变,教育、社会、经济的问题都无法根本解决。因此,1989年合肥的学生运动,首先是由我们这些教育学院的教师与学生发起的。后来,我们成立了安徽省高校学生自治联合会,并带领队伍赴京,声援天安门广场的学生。

林小龙:那时的学生被认为是社会的精英,毕业即意味着体制内的稳定职位。您是否意识到参与这场运动的风险?

郑存柱:坦白说,当时没有。我们那一代人接受的是理想主义教育,从小被教导“五四精神”“学生爱国运动”,认为青年学生有责任为国家的命运发声。我们相信政府会倾听理性诉求,绝没有想到会以武力镇压。在合肥,我们学生游行持续了一个多月,全程和平有序,没有一家商店被砸、没有一块玻璃被打碎。学生甚至在十字路口协助交警维持秩序。所以当后来得知北京流血镇压时,我们都极度震惊与悲痛。六四事件改变了我对国家和体制的全部认知。

赵杰:事件之后,您受到了什么样的影响?

郑存柱:我当时被定为学校“首要分子”,受到行政记大过处分,工资降两级。相比一些被判刑的同学,这算轻的。那段时间,社会普遍陷入恐惧,许多被处分的学生无法继续学业或就业。安徽的处理还算相对宽松,因为合肥是中国科技大学所在地,当地政府对学生采取了“以教育为主”的态度。但对我个人而言,那次事件让我彻底认识到体制问题的根源,也让我走上了后来政治反思与行动的道路。

政治理念与中国民主党创建过程

赵杰:在“六四”事件之后,许多参与者都受到了处分,甚至入狱。请问郑老师,当时您为什么仍然决定继续投身政治改革?

郑存柱:那场事件让我彻底看清了问题的根源——中国的改革如果只限于经济层面,最终会陷入新的危机。政治体制改革才是关键。当年的我们,虽然年轻,但都抱有一种理想主义的信念:知识分子有责任推动社会进步。哪怕冒风险,也不能沉默。

林小龙:您后来加入了中国民主党。能否谈谈这一决定的过程?

郑存柱:中国民主党在1998年6月25日正式向浙江省民政厅递交成立申请,很快就遭到镇压。但那次事件让我看到,仍有人在坚持八九年未完成的理想。我本人是在2000年秘密加入的。当时,我已离开体制,在上海经商,拥有一定自由和资源。我与在海外的民主党组织取得联系,通过他们的渠道入党。那时候,国内的政治环境仍然高压,加入这样的组织意味着风险随时可能到来。但我认为,如果连我们这些受过高等教育、在社会上有一定地位的人都不站出来,那么中国就永远不会改变。

赵杰:加入后,您是否参与了党内的组织活动?

郑存柱:是的。我当时在上海,身边聚集了不少志同道合的人——有的来自教育界,有的在外企工作,也有在高校读研究生的朋友。我们经常私下讨论政治、举办沙龙,传播民主理念。那时互联网刚兴起,我们通过论坛、QQ群等方式联系彼此,比如“西祠胡同”“猫眼看人”等社区。很多人通过这些平台相识、交流、组织。后来,我的几位同伴因传播资料或制作民主党宣传品被捕判刑。那时我才真正意识到,这条路不会轻松。

林小龙:那么,九八年“建党”运动在您看来意味着什么?

郑存柱:我认为那是对八九运动精神的延续。许多参与创建中国民主党的人,其实都是当年的学生领袖或民运参与者。他们经历过镇压,但并没有屈服,而是希望通过合法手段推动中国政治现代化。我们并不想“推翻政权”,而是希望中共能依法承认公民有结社自由、言论自由,让国家真正回归宪法框架下的治理。

赵杰:在高压环境下坚持这些理念,需要极大勇气。是什么支撑您走到今天?

郑存柱:我始终记得天安门广场上那些牺牲的年轻人。那一夜死去的人中,很多比我还年轻,他们没有机会再为中国发声。作为幸存者,我觉得自己有责任活下去,并延续他们未完成的事业。另外,我深信教育和法治是中国未来的出路。后来我在美国重新攻读法律,希望将来能把西方法治精神与制度经验带回中国。只有当权力被法律约束,人民才真正拥有尊严。

林小龙:所以您认为,中国的转型仍然有希望?

郑存柱:有。虽然过程艰难,但每一次思想觉醒、每一次反思,都是积累的力量。中国的问题不是人民不懂民主,而是长期以来没有机会去实践它。我相信,当越来越多的人敢于发声、敢于思考,政治改革迟早会到来。

赵杰:您认为《在野党》复刊有什么重大意义?

郑存柱:《在野党》的复刊象征着海内外中国民主力量重新连结的契机。长期以来,海外民主组织与中国本土之间因环境、风险与交流受限,几乎失去实质性的对话与共同议题。而《在野党》的重新出版,使这种断裂的联系得以恢复:它不仅延续了当年海外民主运动与国内自由思想的精神纽带,也为被压抑的公共讨论重新打开了窗口。

杂志的设想是一刊两制——电子刊以海外为主,持续展现自由发声与国际倡议;纸质刊则以中国为重心,探讨国内现实与民众关切,使民主理念重新扎根本土。这种双线并行的方式,让《在野党》成为中国民主事业的“第二次阻挡”,通过思想与文字把分散的精神力量再次凝聚在一起,为未来可能的民主进程保存火种与方向。

编者按:

人这一生,总要听几段沉重的话,记几件沉下去的事。风吹过历史的墙角,有些名字被灰尘掩埋,有些声音被风带走了。但真相这东西,就像老屋檐下的石头——你不去看,它照样在那儿,裂着缝,冒着水,年年岁岁。

本期采访的受访人,他不是写史书的人,虽未曾在中共政权下经历过牢狱之灾,但却亲手翻过那一页火热又疼痛的日子。他没站在权力的戏台上,却在风口浪尖上走了半生。他说的,不是煽情的段子,也不是激愤的口号,是一个读过书、下过海、扛过压的人,对命运、对体制、对良知的慢火回望。

我们刊发这篇访谈,不为制造波澜,也不为谁鸣冤。只是觉得,这个年代,该有一些不那么热闹的声音;该有一些人,不靠高声喧哗,也敢低声坚持。郑存柱的经历,不是传奇,是现实。他的沉默与不沉默之间,藏着许多人不敢说、不能说、想说又不知该怎么说的话。

你读懂多少,就带走多少。剩下的,时间会替我们记住。

Faith Lights the Way — An Interview with Zheng Cunzhu

Interviewers: Zhao Jie, Lin Xiaolong Data Compilation: Lin Xiaolong
Editor and Proofreader: Zhang Zhijun Translator: Lyu Feng

The Persistence of Faith and the Weight of Responsibility

In the turbulent course of China’s modern political transformation, there has always been a group of people who hold ideals as their lamp and faith as their compass. Some stand firm in silence; others step forward bravely—leaving marks of their era amid the torrents of history. Zheng Cunzhu is both a witness to the upheavals of 1989 and a steadfast dreamer pursuing China’s democratic transformation. From his early career in education to his participation in street protests, from entrepreneurship to political engagement as part of China’s democratic opposition, Zheng’s life has embodied both the fractures of the times and the weight of conscience.

In this in-depth interview, Mr. Zheng reflects on the memory of 1989, analyzes the perseverance and practice of democratic ideals, and speaks candidly about his deep hopes for China’s future. Wherever he may be, one belief remains unchanged: political reform is indispensable to the rejuvenation of the nation.

From the Classroom to the Streets

Zheng Cunzhu, current president of the Opposition Party magazine

Zhao Jie: Mr. Zheng, before we begin, could you briefly introduce your background to our readers? You were born in Hefei, Anhui Province, graduated from the English Department of Hefei Teachers College, and later earned a master’s degree in literature from Shanghai Normal University. In 1995, you entered the business world and founded a company. But before that, in 1989, you co-founded the Anhui Provincial University Students’ Autonomous Federation and led hundreds of students to Beijing to support the Tiananmen movement. You were even one of the student representatives who secretly negotiated with the local government. This experience is quite unique. What made you decide to take students to the streets at that time?

Zheng Cunzhu: That was 1989. The entire 1980s was a decade of intellectual vitality and rising calls for reform. Economic reform had loosened the old system, but political reform lagged behind. As Deng Xiaoping once said, “If we only reform the economy but not the political system, it’s like trying to walk on one leg—you can’t go far.” Premier Wen Jiabao later warned that without political reform to safeguard progress, economic reforms could be undone, and even a new Cultural Revolution might occur.

By the late 1980s, social contradictions were intensifying. The dual-track system—planned and market economies operating side by side—allowed officials with quota power to acquire scarce goods cheaply and resell them for huge profits. As unemployment rose and prices soared, ordinary people suffered while corruption spread.

Against this backdrop, intellectuals and students became the main advocates for political reform. The 13th Party Congress in 1988 had mentioned “political system reform,” but the power struggle between reformists and conservatives stalled the process. When Hu Yaobang—seen as a symbol of reform—was forced to step down and later died, nationwide mourning quickly turned into a collective demand for democracy.

At that time, I was teaching at Anhui Institute of Education. As a teacher, I felt the crisis in the education system—teachers were quitting en masse, educational quality was declining, and intellectuals were losing social respect. We believed that without political reform, no social or economic problem could be solved. That’s why our students and faculty took the lead in organizing the Hefei demonstrations. We later established the Anhui Provincial University Students’ Autonomous Federation and led a delegation to Beijing to support the Tiananmen students.

The Awakening After the Shock

Lin Xiaolong: At that time, college students were considered social elites, with guaranteed jobs after graduation. Did you realize the risks of joining such a movement?

Zheng Cunzhu: Honestly, no. We were raised on idealism—on stories of the May Fourth Movement and patriotic student activism. We believed the government would listen to reasoned voices. None of us imagined they would open fire.

In Hefei, our protests lasted over a month and remained entirely peaceful. No shop was looted, no window smashed. Students even helped police direct traffic. So when we heard that troops had fired on unarmed citizens in Beijing, we were devastated. June Fourth changed everything I believed about my country and its political system.

Zhao Jie: What impact did the aftermath have on you personally?

Zheng Cunzhu: I was labeled a “ringleader,” formally reprimanded, and had my salary reduced two grades. Compared to others who were imprisoned, I was lucky. But society was paralyzed by fear—many students were expelled, and graduates were blacklisted. Anhui was somewhat lenient, perhaps because Hefei is home to the University of Science and Technology of China, and local officials favored an “educational approach.” Still, that experience made me see the structural nature of China’s political problems, setting me on a path of lifelong reflection and activism.

Political Belief and the Birth of the China Democracy Party

Zhao Jie: After the crackdown, many participants faced punishment or imprisonment. Why did you continue your political engagement?

Zheng Cunzhu: Because June Fourth revealed the root of the problem—China cannot rely on economic reform alone. Political reform is the key.We felt that intellectuals have a duty to push society forward, even at personal risk. Silence is complicity.

Lin Xiaolong: You later joined the China Democracy Party (CDP). Could you describe that process?

Zheng Cunzhu: The CDP formally submitted its founding application to the Zhejiang Civil Affairs Bureau on June 25, 1998, and was immediately suppressed. But that moment rekindled the unfinished ideals of 1989.

I joined secretly in 2000. By then, I had left the public sector and was running a private business in Shanghai, which gave me some freedom and resources. Through overseas contacts, I was able to join the party. The political atmosphere was still suffocating; joining meant living with constant risk. But I felt that if educated people with stable livelihoods still chose silence, China would never change.

Zhao Jie: Were you involved in party activities afterward?

Zheng Cunzhu: Yes. In Shanghai, I connected with like-minded people—teachers, professionals, graduate students. We held private discussions, organized salons, and promoted democratic ideas. Early internet platforms like Xici Hutong and MaoYanKanRen became spaces for dialogue and organization.

Eventually, several of my friends were arrested and sentenced for distributing materials or producing CDP publications. That’s when I truly realized the price of dissent.

The Spirit of 1998

Lin Xiaolong: How do you view the 1998 founding of the CDP today?

Zheng Cunzhu: It was the spiritual continuation of 1989. Many CDP founders were former student leaders or activists from the Tiananmen era. They had faced persecution but refused to surrender. Their goal was not to overthrow the government, but to compel it to respect the constitutional rights of association and free speech—to return China to governance under its own laws.

Zhao Jie: Maintaining such beliefs under repression requires great courage. What has sustained you?

Zheng Cunzhu: I will never forget the young lives lost in Tiananmen Square. Many were younger than I was. They never got another chance to speak for China. As a survivor, I feel obliged to carry on what they began.

I also believe that education and the rule of law are China’s only path forward. Later, in the U.S., I studied law again, hoping someday to help bring legal principles and institutional experience back to China. Only when power is constrained by law can people live with dignity.

Lin Xiaolong: So, despite everything, you remain hopeful about China’s transition?

Zheng Cunzhu: Yes. Every act of reflection, every awakening, adds to the momentum. China’s problem isn’t that its people don’t understand democracy—it’s that they’ve never had the chance to practice it. I believe that as more people dare to speak and think freely, reform will eventually come.

The Revival of The Opposition Party

Zhao Jie: What do you think is the significance of The Opposition Party magazine’s revival?

Zheng Cunzhu: Its revival symbolizes the reconnection between China’s domestic and overseas democratic forces. For decades, communication between them has been severed by fear, censorship, and distance. This magazine restores that link—it continues the spirit of both overseas democracy movements and China’s intellectual awakening, reopening a window for suppressed public discourse.

Our vision is “one publication, two systems”: the digital edition will serve mainly overseas audiences, fostering free voices and international advocacy; the print edition will focus on China, exploring local realities and public concerns, helping democratic ideals take root again.Through this dual structure, The Opposition Party aims to become a “second front” for China’s democracy—preserving both intellectual fire and direction for the future.

Editor’s Note

In one’s life, there are always truths that weigh heavy and stories that sink deep. The wind sweeps across the corners of history: some names are buried in dust, some voices carried away. Yet truth endures, like a stone under an old roof—cracked, damp, but still there, year after year.

Our interviewee this issue is not a chronicler of history, nor a man who sought the spotlight of power. But he lived through the heat and pain of an era. He speaks without theatrics, without slogans—just with the quiet steadiness of one who has read, labored, and endured.

We publish this interview not to stir waves or plead for sympathy, but because every era needs quieter voices—those who do not shout, yet refuse to be silent. Zheng Cunzhu’s story is not legend, but reality. Between his silence and his speech lies the unspoken truth of many others.

Take from it what you can. The rest, time will remember for us.

从济南到洛杉矶:一名中国普通家庭的自由追寻者

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从济南到洛杉矶:一名中国普通家庭的自由追寻者

作者:李银川
编辑:张致君   责任编辑:李聪玲   校对:冯仍

我叫李银川,35岁,来自中国山东济南。在那里,我与妻子和年幼的女儿生活,经营着一家民宿。看似平凡,却被一次次政治风暴和疫情管控,推入了绝望的深渊。

济南,这座号称山东政治中心的城市,对我们这些普通人来说,是压抑与冷漠的代名词。政府的效率低下、政策的僵化,让生活充满艰难。而疫情的三年,更是把这种冷酷展现到极致。

在那段日子里,我们一家人亲历了几百次核酸检测,被暴力的“大白”封锁在楼里。孩子高烧七天,却被医院拒绝收治;妻子的乳腺结节疼痛无法得到救治;母亲的风湿病痛,只因没有24小时核酸证明而被拒绝就医。政府封锁的不只是楼门,而是我们的生路。

2022年12月,面对被无情困在公寓里将近一个月的客人,我忍无可忍,撕掉了封锁的绳索。当我质问警察时,他们威胁要把我关进方舱——那个“用人头换钱”的集中营。那一刻,我明白了:中共的防疫不是为了人民,而是为了利益。

抗议暴力封控的几天后,被警方以“假健康证”为由拘留。我的手机被无死角的翻阅,并进行了长达三小时的所谓DNA检测。在看守所里,我与19人挤在15平米的牢房里,食不果腹、渴不成眠,还亲眼看到狱警殴打犯人。那两天像一生般漫长,让我彻底明白:在中国,法律不是正义,而是统治的工具。

从济南到洛杉矶:一名中国普通家庭的自由追寻者

出狱后,我越发恐惧。因为我知道,我传播过真相,哪怕只是告诉朋友一些历史和疫情的实情,都可能让我再度入狱。恐惧与压抑让我彻底失去对中国的希望。

我想说的是:中共的统治摧毁了中国人的尊严,把活生生的人当作可以随意牺牲的数字;它让无数像我一样的普通家庭活在恐惧中,不敢说真话,不敢追问公理。

为寻一条信仰与自由之路,我们举家踏上了最艰难的移民旅程。一路辗转十余国,历经打劫、饥饿与恐惧,几乎每一天都在奔波或担忧中度过。

穿越达连雨林时,我们因大意失去了鞋子,脚被泥泞和荆棘割得遍体鳞伤。我一度筋疲力尽,几乎放弃前行。但主没有离弃我,是祂再次扶起我,使我在绝望中看见希望。

在墨西哥的那段日子,充满不确定与恐惧,我不知道明天是否还能继续。但主的眷顾始终同在。

2023年,我们一家人历尽艰难,终于抵达美国。落地洛杉矶的那一刻,阳光照在我脸上,我第一次感受到“安全”是什么。陌生人的微笑、互助的分享、平等的尊重,让我看到了一个正常社会的温度。

在美国,我看到了希望——民主、自由、平等不是抽象的口号,而是日常生活中真实存在的空气。

因着主的怜悯,我受浸归入基督,成为主的儿女。那之前,我曾经历漫长的挣扎与疑惑——初到美国的艰辛,让我无数次向主呼求:“主啊,你为何让我走这条路?”

但在不断读经、祷告、与弟兄姊妹的陪伴中,我渐渐明白,一切困难都是主的带领。祂没有离开我,只是在试炼中教我信靠。

如今,我愿用生命见证:鱼因水而活,人因信而生。

我得着了主的救赎,也得着了真正的平安。

今天,我选择站出来,不仅是为了我和我的家人,更是为了告诉世人:中国的悲剧是真实存在的,中共的暴政是每个普通人都可能遭遇的。

我希望有一天,我的女儿能在自由的阳光下长大,不必像她的父母一样,靠沉默换取生存。

这是我的心声,也是无数中国家庭的呼喊。

From Jinan to Los Angeles: The Freedom Journey of an Ordinary Chinese Family

By Li Yinchuan
Edited:Zhang Zhijun Managing Editor: Li Congling Proofreader: Feng Reng

My name is Li Yinchuan, I’m 35 years old, and I come from Jinan, Shandong Province, China. There, I lived with my wife and our young daughter, running a small guesthouse. It seemed like an ordinary, peaceful life—until repeated political crackdowns and pandemic lockdowns pushed us into the depths of despair.

Jinan, the so-called political center of Shandong, is, for ordinary people like us, a city of oppression and indifference. The government’s inefficiency and rigid bureaucracy made everyday life a struggle. And the three years of pandemic control revealed that cruelty to the fullest extent.

During those years, our family endured hundreds of mandatory COVID tests, and we were repeatedly sealed inside our apartment by the brutal “white-clad” enforcers. My child had a high fever for seven days but was refused hospital admission; my wife suffered breast pain from a cyst that went untreated; my mother’s rheumatoid arthritis worsened because she was denied medical care for lacking a “24-hour nucleic acid test.” The government didn’t just lock our doors—it locked away our path to survival.

In December 2022, faced with guests trapped in our guesthouse for nearly a month, I finally tore down the ropes sealing our building. When I confronted the police, they threatened to send me to a “Fangcang quarantine camp”—a place where, as locals said, human heads were traded for money. That moment I realized: the CCP’s lockdowns were never about protecting people, but about profit and control.

A few days after protesting the violent lockdown, I was detained by the police under the pretext of having a “fake health certificate.” My phone was searched in every possible way, and I was subjected to a three-hour DNA test. In the detention center, twenty of us were crammed into a fifteen-square-meter cell. We were hungry, sleepless, and terrified, and I witnessed guards beating prisoners. Those two days felt like a lifetime, and I finally understood that in China, law is not justice—it is a weapon of power.

从济南到洛杉矶:一名中国普通家庭的自由追寻者

After my release, fear became constant. I knew that because I had once shared the truth—even if only about history or the pandemic—I could be arrested again at any time. The fear and suffocation extinguished my last hope for China.

What I want to say is this: the CCP’s rule has destroyed the dignity of the Chinese people. It treats living human beings as disposable numbers and forces countless ordinary families like mine to live in fear—afraid to speak the truth, afraid to question injustice.

To seek a path of faith and freedom, my family embarked on the hardest journey of our lives. We crossed more than ten countries, suffering robbery, hunger, and fear. Nearly every day was a battle between despair and survival.

While crossing the Darién rainforest, we lost our shoes in the mud. Our feet were torn and bleeding from rocks and thorns. I was exhausted and ready to give up. But the Lord did not abandon me. He lifted me up again, allowing me to see hope amid despair.

Our time in Mexico was filled with uncertainty and fear—we never knew whether we could continue the next day. Yet the Lord’s mercy was always with us.

In 2023, after all the hardship, we finally arrived in the United States. The moment we landed in Los Angeles, sunlight touched my face, and for the first time, I truly understood what safety means. The smiles of strangers, acts of mutual help, and the feeling of equality made me feel the warmth of a normal, humane society.

Here in America, I found hope. Democracy, freedom, and equality are not abstract slogans—they are the air people breathe every day.

By the Lord’s mercy, I was baptized into Christ and became a child of God. Before that, I had gone through a long struggle and confusion. The hardships of starting anew in America made me cry out countless times:

“Lord, why did You lead me on this path?”

But through reading the Bible, praying, and the fellowship of brothers and sisters, I gradually understood: every hardship was part of His guidance. The Lord never abandoned me—He was teaching me trust through trials.

Now, I am willing to use my life as a testimony:

Fish live because of water; people live because of faith.

I have received the Lord’s salvation, and with it, true peace.

Today, I choose to speak out—not only for myself and my family, but to tell the world that China’s tragedy is real, and the CCP’s tyranny is something every ordinary person could face.

I hope that one day, my daughter will grow up under the sunlight of freedom—never again needing to trade silence for survival.

This is my voice, and the cry of countless Chinese families.