作者：李尊轶
编辑：李聪玲   责任编辑：罗志飞   校对：熊辩   翻译：刘芳

唐荆陵和我是湖北省原江陵县弥市中学八九届同学。他是理科学霸，当年以江陵县高考状元的身份考入上海交通大学。我是文科学渣、调皮兼“不听话”，八九年春季转学到松滋县沙道观中学参加高考，此后啥也不是。

一

2016年1月，唐荆陵被广州市中级人民法院以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”判处有期徒刑五年，他因为替他人维权而身陷囹圄，我不禁感慨万千，回想极权专制统治下普罗大众遭遇的种种不幸与灾难，再看唐荆陵为了追求社会的公平与正义、为了大家能有一张决定自己命运的选票，不仅被政府吊销了律师执业资格证书，还被构陷进了监狱遭受严厉酷刑和非人虐待。我们这些在外面暂时自由的人应该为他做点什么，哪怕替他发声说几句，也算是能对得住自己的良心，将来也能面对这位播撒民主火种的英雄。

有道是，我做不了英雄，但我可以追随英雄；我做不了勇士，但我愿意为勇士呐喊！在这个高强度遏制言论表达几近窒息的社会里，在微信朋友圈发出声援，虽然实在是个冒险的行为，但也是对蒙难者的一种支持！

2017年8月，笔者在微信朋友圈发文字和图片声援唐荆陵。

二

中共自建政起从来没有关心过老百姓的健康，制造的人道灾难数不胜数，其中假疫苗、毒疫苗致残致死，对受害者家庭造成重大打击。由于受害者面对的是中共政权和医疗系统，维权申诉成功的机率几乎为零，导致一般的律师都不愿意接这类案件。唐荆陵基于自己的价值立场和职业理念，长期关注政府滥权、公共安全、司法不公等主题，对于弱势群体在公共事件中遭遇到的不公更愿意基于人权与法制的因素提供法律援助，结果遭致中共政府残酷打击和迫害。作为一个良知尚存的人，我应该无条件地声援他。

2018年7月，笔者在微信朋友圈就中国假疫苗、毒疫苗的危害声援唐荆陵。

三

唐荆陵在被羁押与服刑的那些年，他的家人承受了巨大的精神压力，经历了难以言说的煎熬。他的母亲因长期担忧儿子的处境，情绪不稳定，健康状况日渐恶化。病情加重时，她始终惦记着儿子，可直到她生命的最后一刻，都没能如愿再见到唐荆陵一面。这种遗憾，对于一个母亲来说，是难以言说的痛；对于其他知情人而言，如磐石一般沉重，压在每个人的心底。唐荆陵的妻子也因为持续的压力与安全风险，不得不离开中国，到美国寻求庇护，从此劳燕分飞、天各一方。对于他年过八旬的老父亲来说，短时间内接连承受妻子离世、儿子坐监、儿媳远走他乡——这不仅意味着家庭的支离破碎，更像是生命里最重要的三个支柱被同时抽空。老父亲独自面对空荡的屋子，那种深沉的孤独与绝望、无处诉说的委屈与思念，只能默默地压在心里。可以想象，经历了如此沉重的命运冲击，老人家的内心一定已千疮百孔。

正因为如此，我心里始终惦记着唐荆陵的父亲。总觉得应该抽时间去看看老人家。哪怕只是陪他坐一会儿、听他说几句心里的话，也许能让他知道，这个世界上仍有人记得他们一家所承受的苦难。对这样一位满身隐痛的父亲而言，一个愿意上门的朋友，也许就是一份来得迟却依然重要的温暖。

2018年8月，笔者专程回荆州看望唐荆陵的父亲表达问候。

四

经过漫长的等待，终于迎来了那一天——2019 年 4 月 29 日，唐荆陵获释的日子。得知当天下午广州的国保已将他送上返回荆州的火车，而我恰好因胰腺病变在荆州住院治疗，于是便做出决定，无论如何都要去荆州火车站迎接他。这不仅仅是一趟车站之行，更是为那些被迫中断的岁月做一个见证。

我匆匆忙忙赶到火车站，已是临近高铁到站时间，我扶着出站口的栏杆，焦急地守望着站台出口。待到人群临近，望着每一个走出的身影，心跳随着人流的涌动一点一点加快。本来，我想制作一块“欢迎唐荆陵回家”的标语牌，高高地举过头顶，让他一出站就能看到。然而，病痛带来的虚弱让我感到力不从心，只能默默站在那里等待。我想象着他出现那一刻——从“小监狱”回到“大监狱”，但至少走在相对自由的空气里。然而人群渐渐稀疏，直到最后一个旅客离开，我也没有看到他的身影。一阵焦急涌上心头，我赶紧拨电话询问，这才知道他早已经出了站，在大厅外等我。

我顾不得病痛，立即向大厅外奔去，终于在人群中找到了他。他比我印象中更消瘦，灯光下肤色也更显苍白，但神情沉静稳重。我挤过人群将他热情拥抱，他就双手轻拍我后背的机会凑近我耳边小声提醒了一句：“有人，快走。”我这才意识到，危险其实一直在我们周围！我连忙松开他，抓起那箱他从监狱带回来的沉甸甸的书籍扛上肩头——那是他在监狱里最后的精神陪伴。我们匆匆向站前大道走去，步伐不敢停顿，直到走出广场才下意识回头观察，确信没有人跟着，这才拐到凤鸣大道西侧的广告牌旁停了下来。

原来，当天两名广州国保在南站把他押上高铁后，立刻坐飞机赶来荆州，在出站口时就站在我的身后。他不敢抬头，更不敢多看我，只能用行李箱挡住自己的脸——不是为了他自己，而是为了保护我，不让我因为一个“多余的眼神”而遭人盯上。

忽然我明白了唐荆陵在沉默中背负着怎样的压力，也明白了我为什么非来不可。这是一次几乎不能问候、不能交谈、甚至不能正眼相看的迎接。却恰恰因此——它显得格外沉重，格外朴实，也格外值得铭记。

五

那一刻，我思绪万千，我连续七年时间到湖北省黄冈市政府门口举牌抗议团风县政府的人权暴行，一度还到中共湖北省委大门外举牌抗议。最初是给黄冈市政府接待人员口述诉求要求解决问题，然而没有结果；然后在黄冈政府门口站立着双手举着标语表达抗议，无果；又坐高凳上、站在高凳上举着标语表达抗议；被黄冈公安局胜利街派出所警察收走标语后，依然站上高凳作举牌抗议姿势表达对政府侵犯人权的不满。

中共警察将我拽到值班室，威胁我说，要调取监控视频取证将我抓起来，我回答说：“好！你把我抓起来就成全了我：坐共产党的牢，无上光荣！”有人问我，你真的不怕坐牢吗？扪心自问，我怎么会不怕坐牢呢？仅湖北省的勇士秦永敏、王宝龙、唐荆陵、郭飞雄、丁家喜、刘家财、鲍乃刚、刘艳丽、许光利、杜导斌、刘飞越、袁奉初、龚圣亮、毛善春……一条条鲜活的生命，遭酷刑、被监禁，高墙里、电网下，无休无止的恐惧，我能不害怕吗？尤其是我的好友刘家财，他的言论远比我温和，时至今日已经三年多的时间，仿佛从人间蒸发，杳无音讯。这种恐惧如影随行在我的心里挥之不去，当然这也坚定了我坚持为他发声的信念，也是促成我出走流亡的原因。

那一刻，我也不禁想到我的表哥周登明，因为他的父亲、我的姨爹周德全的冤案，从1978年至2020年去世的四十余年时间，一直前往北京向中共中央政府索要公道，表哥在晚年经常念叨他与父亲的最后时光：我跟父亲一起坐牢，要不是我还没有成年，共产党也会把我枪毙掉的。他也常老泪纵横、情绪激动叫嚷：“共产党叫老子陪杀场啊！”对于表哥而言“陪杀场”远不是听到的枪响声、父亲倒地的“扑通”声，也不止是闻到的硝烟味、父亲身体的血腥味、屎尿味，以及看到的枪击扬起的尘土、父亲肌肉痉挛抽动的躯体和枪口处汨汨流出的鲜血。那是父子情深的撕心裂肺，更是对中国共产党残暴冷酷、嗜血好杀、惨绝人寰的无差别屠戮的反文明反人类本性的无声控诉——中华民族和中国人民百年来的苦难根源就是中国共产党，是中共的流氓本性和邪教本质！

中国共产党必须灭亡！

中华人民共和国必须毁灭！

Ninth moon, ascending the heights, reminiscing about my brothers of the Tang

Author: Li Zunyi
Editor: Li Congling Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Proofreading: Xiong Bian Translation: Liu Fang

Abstract: This article reflects on the author’s friendship with Tang Jingling, recounting Tang’s persecution by the Chinese Communist Party for his human rights advocacy, the suffering endured by his family, and the author’s repeated efforts to voice support, visit Tang’s aging father, and greet Tang upon his release from prison. The author also describes his own experiences of repression and the wrongful persecution of his relatives, which deepened his understanding of the CCP’s brutality and strengthened his commitment to freedom and justice.

Tang Jingling and I were classmates in the 1989 cohort at Mishi Middle School in the former Jiangling County of Hubei Province. He was a science prodigy who entered Shanghai Jiao Tong University as the top scorer in the county’s college entrance exam. I, on the other hand, was a mediocre liberal arts student—mischievous and “disobedient.” In the spring of 1989, I transferred to Sandaoguan Middle School in Songzi County to take the exam, and after that, I amounted to nothing.

I

In January 2016, Tang Jingling was sentenced to five years in prison by the Guangzhou Intermediate People’s Court on the charge of “inciting subversion of state power.” He had been jailed simply for defending the rights of others. I was flooded with emotion, thinking of the many tragedies suffered by ordinary people under a totalitarian regime. Tang pursued fairness and justice for society. He wanted every citizen to have a vote to determine their own destiny. For that simple vision, the authorities revoked his law license, fabricated charges, and sent him to prison, where he endured severe torture and inhumane treatment. Those of us who still enjoy temporary freedom should do something for him—say a few words, raise a voice—so that we can face our own conscience and honor this man who planted the seeds of democracy.

As the saying goes: I may not be able to become a hero, but I can follow one. I may not be a warrior, but I can cry out for the warrior! In this suffocating environment where expression is ruthlessly suppressed, voicing support on WeChat Moments was dangerous—but it was also a stand for the persecuted.

In August 2017, I posted words and images on WeChat Moments to voice support for Tang Jingling.

II

Since its founding, the CCP has never cared about the health of the people and has produced countless humanitarian disasters. Fake and toxic vaccines crippled and killed children, inflicting unbearable suffering on families. Facing the CCP regime and its medical system, victims have nearly zero chance of justice, and most lawyers do not dare touch such cases. Yet out of his values and professional ethics, Tang Jingling spent years focusing on government abuse, public safety, and judicial injustice. For the vulnerable victims of public tragedies, he provided legal aid grounded in human rights and the rule of law. For this, he was brutally persecuted. As someone with a conscience, I felt I must support him unconditionally.

In July 2018, I again posted on WeChat Moments calling attention to the toxic vaccine scandal and expressing support for Tang.

III

During Tang Jingling’s years in detention and imprisonment, his family endured tremendous psychological pressure and unspeakable suffering. His mother, consumed by worry over her son’s condition, experienced emotional instability and declining health. Her condition worsened until the very end, when she passed away without seeing her son one last time. For a mother, this was an unspeakable sorrow. For those who knew their story, it was a weight like a boulder pressing on the heart. Tang’s wife, also under continuous pressure and safety risks, had to leave China and seek asylum in the United States. Husband and wife were forced apart, separated by oceans. For Tang’s aging father, now over eighty, the death of his wife, his son’s imprisonment, and his daughter-in-law’s departure meant the collapse of all three pillars of his life. He faced the empty home alone, burdened with loneliness, anguish, and silent grief. One can imagine the wounds carved into his heart.

Because of this, I often thought about visiting him. Even sitting with him quietly, listening to him speak—perhaps it might offer a small comfort, a reminder that the world had not forgotten the suffering of his family. To a father carrying such deep pain, a visitor could be a warmth long delayed but still precious.

In August 2018, I returned to Jingzhou specifically to visit and pay respects to Tang’s father.

IV

After a long wait, the day finally came—April 29, 2019, the day Tang Jingling was released. I was hospitalized in Jingzhou for pancreatic issues at the time, but when I learned that Guangzhou’s state security officers had put him on a train back to Jingzhou, I made up my mind: no matter what, I would go to the station to welcome him.

I hurried to the train station close to arrival time. Leaning on the railing by the exit, I anxiously watched for him. As passengers streamed out, my heartbeat quickened with each face. I had originally wanted to prepare a sign that read “Welcome Home, Tang Jingling” and hold it high so he could see it immediately. But my illness left me weak, and I could only stand there silently waiting. I imagined the moment he would appear—leaving the “small prison” only to return to the “big prison,” yet at least breathing freer air. But as the crowd thinned and the last passenger left, he still had not appeared. Anxiety surged. I called someone and learned he had already exited and was waiting outside the hall.

Ignoring my pain, I rushed out and finally found him. He was thinner than I remembered, his skin pale under the lights, but his expression calm and steady. I pushed through the crowd and embraced him. He lightly patted my back and whispered quickly into my ear: “They’re here. Let’s go.” Only then did I realize the danger surrounding us. I released him and grabbed the heavy box of books he carried from prison—his last spiritual companions inside those walls. We hurried toward the avenue, not daring to stop, turning only after we had left the square to make sure no one was following us.

It turned out two Guangzhou state security officers had boarded the train with him at the South Station and then flown to Jingzhou to wait for him at the exit. They were standing right behind me. Tang did not dare look up at me or even glance in my direction. He used his suitcase to cover his face—not to protect himself, but to protect me, so that even an accidental look would not put me in danger.

In that moment, I understood the weight Tang carried in silence. I also understood why I had to be there. This was a welcome without greetings, without conversation, without even eye contact. And precisely because of that, it was unforgettable—solemn, heavy, and deeply meaningful.

V

At that moment, countless memories flooded my mind. For seven years, I repeatedly went to the Huanggang City Government to protest the human rights abuses committed by Tuanfeng County officials. I even went to the gate of the CCP Hubei Provincial Committee to hold up signs in protest. First, I tried to present my claims verbally to the reception office—no result. Then I stood at the gate with signs—no result. Later I stood on a high stool, holding my signs aloft. When police from Shengli Street Station took away my signs, I continued standing on the stool, using my posture alone to protest the government’s violations of human rights.

The police dragged me into their duty room and threatened to use surveillance footage to arrest me. I told them: “Fine! Arrest me. Being jailed by the Communist Party—what an honor!” People asked me: “Are you really not afraid of prison?” Of course I was. How could I not be? Hubei’s brave people—Qin Yongmin, Wang Baolong, Tang Jingling, Guo Feixiong, Ding Jiaxi, Liu Jia-cai, Bao Naigang, Liu Yanli, Xu Guangli, Du Daobin, Liu Feiyue, Yuan Fengchu, Gong Shengliang, Mao Shanchun… so many living souls were tortured and imprisoned. Behind high walls, under electrified fences, in endless fear—how could I not be afraid? Especially my good friend Liu Jia-cai—his words were far milder than mine, yet he vanished three years ago and has not been heard from since. That fear haunts me, but also strengthens my resolve to speak for him. It was one of the reasons I chose to flee China.

I also thought of my cousin Zhou Dengming. Because of the wrongful case of his father—my uncle Zhou Dequan—he spent more than forty years traveling to Beijing to seek justice. In his later years, he often recalled his final moments with his father: “I was in prison with him. If I had been an adult then, the Communist Party would have executed me too.” He would break down in tears and cry out, “The Communist Party dragged me to the killing ground!” For him, the “killing ground” was not only the gunshot, the thud of his father’s body hitting the earth, the smell of gunpowder, the blood, the stench of death, the dust rising from the bullet’s impact, or the spasms of his father’s body. It was the tearing of a bond between father and son. It was an unspoken indictment of a regime that is brutal, bloodthirsty, and inhuman. The root of the Chinese people’s suffering for the last century is the Chinese Communist Party—its thuggery, its cult-like nature, its hostility to civilization and humanity.

The Chinese Communist Party must perish.The People’s Republic of China must fall.

——风雨中声援张盼成、张展、彭立发

作者：马群

编辑：张宇   责任编辑：侯改英   校对：程筱筱   翻译：彭小梅

2025年11月15日，中国民主党洛杉矶委员会、中国民主党山东工委联合举行第764次茉莉花行动。

下午3点，大雨不停，但示威者依然准时到场。主持人马群、杨皓在风雨中以声音与勇气为受难者发出声援的呼喊：“今天我们再次聚集在共匪的领事馆门口，是为了真相、为了自由、为了勇气而声援呼喊！感谢大家冒着风雨前来声援良心政治犯-张盼成、张展、彭立发。我们再次站到这里，就是要告诉世界：追求真相不是犯罪，争取自由也不是犯罪”。

这里有必要简略介绍下这几位英雄：

张盼成，来自中国甘肃的公民行动者，多次因发声被拘押。他说过：“公民应有发声的权利，不应该以沉默换取苟安。”这句话在风雨中再次回响，震动人心。

张展，因报道武汉疫情真相被重判四年的公民记者。她曾说：“如果说真话要付出代价，那我愿意。”雨水湿透了标语，但她的名字清晰而坚定地写在每一块海报上。

彭立发：四通桥上点燃了白纸运动的火种。他悬挂在桥上的那条大字横幅——【不要核酸要吃饭，不要封控要自由】。这横幅像火种般在无数人心的旷野上燃气抗争的烈火。虽然他被强行带走、被消失，但雨中的示威者用颤抖的声音喊出他的名字，使他如丰碑一般屹立——不被遗忘，不被抹去。

有人在雨中用身躯护着扩音器免遭淋湿；有人没有雨具却站定在队伍中，湿透了外套也毫不在意。雨点打在伞上、打在横幅上打在每一位参加者的脸上。风雨，反而成了这场行动更有力量的背景。

组织者表示：“政治良心犯不是颠覆者，他们是为国家揭露真相、为人民争取自由的良心公民。雨可以淋湿我们的衣服，但淋不灭我们对自由的渴望。当更多人选择站出来，真相终会照亮黑暗，自由终将归来。”

胡德旺、周恒、马群、李光芒、胡景、李尊轶、倪世成等人纷纷发言“当说真话成为罪，当表达变成奢侈，我们每个人都可能成为下一个被噤声的人。”他们呼吁国际社会关注中国人权，要求释放所有良心犯，也向三位勇士致敬。他们还表示：“政治良心犯不是颠覆者，他们是为国家揭露真相、为人民争取自由的良心公民。雨可以淋湿我们的衣服，但淋不灭我们对自由的渴望。当更多人选择站出来，真相终会照亮黑暗，自由终将归来。”

雨会停，黑暗也会停。雨水冰凉，却浇不灭大家的热情；寒风刺骨，却吹不散坚守真相与自由的决心。现场口号嘹亮、激情澎湃，象征着在黑暗中依旧闪烁的公民勇气。第764次茉莉花行动在风雨中落幕，也在风雨中显得更加坚定有力。下一次，我们仍将继续站立！

Pursuing Truth and Freedom Is Not a Crime— In the Wind and Rain, We Stand with Zhang Pancheng, Zhang Zhan, and Peng Lifa

Author: Ma Qun

Editor: Zhang Yu   Executive Editor: Hou Gaiying   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Peng Xiaomei

Abstract

In heavy rain in Los Angeles, the author and members of the China Democracy Party gathered to voice their solidarity with Zhang Pancheng, Zhang Zhan, Peng Lifa—for truth, for freedom, and for courage.

On November 15, 2025, the Los Angeles Committee of the China Democracy Party, together with the Shandong Committee of the same party, held the 764th Jasmine Action.

At 3 p.m., despite the pouring rain, demonstrators arrived on time. Hosts Ma Qun and Yang Hao raised their voices against the storm, calling out on behalf of those suffering under repression: “Today, we gather once again at the gate of the CCP consulate. We are here for truth, for freedom, and for courage. Thank you all for braving the wind and rain to support the prisoners of conscience—Zhang Pancheng, Zhang Zhan, and Peng Lifa. We stand here again to tell the world: Seeking truth is not a crime. Fighting for freedom is not a crime.”

Here is a brief introduction to these three courageous individuals:

Zhang Pancheng

A citizen activist from Gansu who has been repeatedly detained for speaking out.He once said: “Citizens should have the right to speak. One should not exchange silence for temporary safety.” In the storm, his words echoed again powerful and stirring.

Zhang Zhan

A citizen journalist sentenced to four years for reporting the truth about COVID-19 in Wuhan. She once declared: “If telling the truth comes with a price, I’m willing to pay it.” The rain soaked the posters, but her name remained clear and unshaken on every sign.

Peng Lifa (the ‘Bridge Man’)

He lit the first spark of the White Paper Movement. On Beijing’s Sitong Bridge, he hung the banner: “We want food, not PCR tests. We want freedom, not lockdowns.”

This banner ignited a wildfire of resistance across countless hearts. Peng Lifa has been disappeared, but in the rain, demonstrators shouted his name with trembling voices— refusing to let him be erased.

Some stood in the rain shielding the loudspeaker with their bodies; some had no rain gear but remained firmly in the crowd; their coats soaked through, yet no one stepped away. Raindrops struck umbrellas, banners, and faces. The storm itself became the backdrop that gave this action even greater strength.

Organizers stated: “Prisoners of conscience are not subversives. They are citizens of conscience who expose the truth for their country and fight for the freedom of the people. Rain may drench our clothes, but it cannot extinguish our desire for liberty.When more people choose to stand up, truth will pierce the darkness—freedom will eventually return.”

Speakers including Hu Dewang, Zhou Heng, Ma Qun, Li Guangmang, Hu Jing, Li Zunyi, Ni Shicheng, and others shared their views: “When telling the truth becomes a crime, when expression becomes a luxury, any one of us could be the next person silenced.” They called on the international community to pay close attention to China’s human rights crisis, demanded the release of all prisoners of conscience, and paid tribute to the three brave individuals. They repeated: “Political prisoners of conscience are not subversives. They reveal truth for the nation, and fight for freedom for the people. Rain can soak us, but it cannot wash away our longing for liberty.When more voices rise, truth will illuminate the darkness, and freedom will return.”

The rain will stop, and so will the darkness. The cold rain could not quench the participants’ passion; the bitter wind could not scatter their resolve to defend truth and freedom. The chants remained loud and powerful— a symbol of civic courage shining in the midst of darkness. The 764th Jasmine Action concluded in the storm,but the storm only made it stronger, more unshakable. Next time—we will stand here again.

《全球覺醒》第四十九期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

【活動主題】反奴役、反壓迫、反極權 國際廢奴日行動

12月2日是“國際廢除一切形式奴隸制日”。聯合國指出，現代奴役不僅包括強迫勞動，也包括由國家製造的思想控制、洗腦教育、剝奪自由與剝奪人格尊嚴。這些形式在今天的世界依然存在，而中共政權所實施的大規模強迫勞動、系統性思想改造、社會控制工程、對民族與宗教群體的壓制，是現代奴役的典型呈現。

我們聚集在領事館前，是為了守護人類最基本的自由與尊嚴。我們抗議中共以國家機器實施的思想統治，從學校到媒體，從互聯網審查到宗教打壓，全方位塑造“順從思想”；我們抗議中共在各地持續存在的強迫勞動體系，包括勞教所、看守所、監獄與“轉化中心”，無數普通人因為信仰、政治表達、維權行動而被迫從事奴工勞動；我們抗議中共對言論自由的全面扼殺，讓一個龐大國家陷入沉默與恐懼。這些都不是“過去式”，而是當下仍在發生的現實。

我們為所有被強迫勞動者、被關押者、被洗腦者、被剝奪自由者發聲；我們與中國境內被壓迫的公民站在一起；我們呼籲國際社會繼續對中共的人權侵害保持關注、保持壓力。我們是見證者，是抵抗者，是自由的捍衛者。只要現代奴役仍然存在，我們就不會停止揭露與抗議。

拒絕沉默，拒絕恐懼！

反對極權統治，捍衛普世價值！

終結現代奴役，拒絕國家洗腦！

停止強制洗腦，停止強迫勞動！

時間：2025年11月30日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點：中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址：443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人：廖軍/劉廣賢

活動規劃：孫曄/李傑

活動主持：易勇

組織者：

胡月明4806536918/陳健 8188183816

劉超 6262908523/王尊福 6269773679

邢倫基 6265656311/粱振華 6268289079

活動義工：于海龍/王彪/劉樂園 /張維清/呂峰/陳斌/勞紹海/朱國軍

攝影：Ji Luo/陸敏健/王永/張允密

主辦單位：

中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部

中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部

自由鍾民主基金會

乌鲁木齐的大火早已过去，而白纸运动也已成为一个旧的符号，它们曾代表一次次刺痛，压抑在我们的心中，而现如今它们似乎只是过去时。当我们的记忆被清零成一张白纸，谁在教我们选择沉默，又是谁让我们把痛感折叠成日常？三年过去，乌鲁木齐大火与白纸运动留给人们的还剩下些什么？11月30日，擦星星诚邀各位于三周年之际再议白纸运动，将那些难以言说的或已被忘却的再一次唤醒。

大家可自行准备鲜花，电蜡烛，白纸，标牌。请多穿衣服，保护好自己！ 。如果您需要更多信息，请私信与我们取得联系 [email protected]

时间：2025年的11月30日 Nov 30th 周日 5:30pm

地点：San Jose City Hall ：200 E Santa Clara St, San Jose, CA 95112

作者：毛一炜
编辑：李堃 责任编辑：张娜 校对：熊辩 翻译：刘芳

香港的问题，从来不是经济数字的起伏，也不是楼市的涨跌，而是香港人曾经拥有、如今却正在失去的尊严、自由与信念。

在很长一段时间里，香港是华语世界最罕见的自由之地：可以批评政府、可以集会、可以自由出版，也可以把新闻当作真正的新闻，而不是宣传品。香港人相信制度会保护他们，相信只要按照规则生活，就不必畏惧权力。而这一切的核心，就是自由。

北京曾向香港承诺普选、承诺自治、承诺“五十年不变”，但这些承诺从未兑现，反而不断收回。所谓“循序渐进”停滞不前，所谓“高度自治”持续被侵蚀。中国共产党一再出尔反尔，规则随时可以被改写，而香港人只能一再承担后果。

　　因此，反送中运动并不是突然爆发，而是多年累积的愤怒被点燃。当北京推动《逃犯条例》修订时，香港人立即意识到那是一条通往黑暗司法体系的通道。修例意味着任何人都可能被送往大陆，一个缺乏制衡、缺乏透明度，甚至可能让人“失踪”的司法系统。反送中从来不是“一宗案件的争议”，而是香港社会对长期被背叛的集体反抗——北京声称不干预，却不断干预；声称保障自治，却持续削弱；声称五十年不变，却二十多年便已改变。

修例只是导火索，而真正的火药，是中国共产党长期不守承诺。反送中之后，北京没有选择沟通，而是选择全面压制。国安法落地后，香港的空气从自由变成沉默。街头标语消失，媒体被迫关停，民选议员被取消资格，学者、记者、律师陆续被捕。普通人可能因为一句口号、一个贴纸、或一条留言就被问话；自我审查像雾一样笼罩整座城市。

最令人心碎的是，连悼念都成了罪行。

香港曾是全中国唯一可以公开纪念“六四”的地方。维园的烛光，是几代香港人的良知象征，也是华语世界最珍贵的公民记忆。但如今，维园被封锁，主办者被逮捕；点一支蜡烛、发一张贴纸、穿一件黑衣，都可能被指控为“煽动”或“颠覆”。人们不敢悼念，不敢聚集，不敢提起那段历史。

从一座敢于点亮烛光的城市，到如今连烛光的影子都被视为危险，这不是秩序，而是恐怖的统治。

然而，自由并没有完全消失。有人记录时代，有人保存档案，有人把真相带出香港，也有人继续告诉下一代：“我们曾经拥有自由，也依然值得拥有自由。”专制可以封口，却封不住记忆；可以摧毁组织，却摧不毁心中那一点不愿屈服的火光。

香港的意义，不仅属于香港人。它提醒整个华语世界：当权力不受制衡、当承诺可以被随意推翻，一个社会可能以惊人的速度坠入黑暗。从制度到新闻自由，从司法到教育，从悼念到历史记忆，只要权力愿意，一切都可以被清空。

无论北京如何删改历史、封锁媒体、制造恐惧，都改变不了一个事实：中国共产党从未打算兑现对香港的承诺。从普选到自治，从司法独立到言论自由，每一项都被它亲手撕碎。香港走到今天，并非因为“动乱”，而是因为专制政权无法容忍一座拥有自由灵魂的城市。

真正让他们恐惧的，是一个事实：没有共产党，中国一样可以繁荣、文明、自由，而香港正是最鲜明的证据。也正因为如此，香港必须被记住。记住这段历史，是对独裁最直接的否定；记住香港的抗争，是对自由最顽强的坚持；记住中共的背叛，是对世人的提醒——一个不守承诺、以谎言治国的政权，无法带来未来，也无法带来真正的安全。

只要记忆还在，只要有人愿意说出真相，只要我们不放弃对自由的追求，那么终有一天，专制会被扫入历史，而香港将再次点亮属于自己的光。

Why Hong Kong Must Be Remembered

Author: Mao Yiwei
Editor: Li Kun Executive Editor: Zhang Na Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Liu Fang

Abstract: The core problem in Hong Kong has never been economics, but the erosion of freedom and autonomy by Beijing. The Anti-Extradition Movement was the result of years of broken promises, and the National Security Law has since extinguished free speech, the press, public assembly, and even public mourning. Hong Kong has transformed from a land of freedom into a society ruled by fear. Its fate warns the entire Chinese-speaking world: once power escapes checks and balances, institutions and freedoms can collapse with astonishing speed. Only memory and persistence can resist authoritarianism.

Hong Kong’s struggle has never been about fluctuating economic indicators or the rise and fall of the housing market. It is about something far more fundamental—the dignity, freedom, and convictions that Hong Kong people once possessed, yet are now losing.

For a long time, Hong Kong was the rarest of places in the Chinese-speaking world: a city where one could criticize the government, assemble freely, publish freely, and read news that was truly news—not propaganda. Hong Kongers believed the system would protect them. They believed that living by the rules meant they did not need to fear power. At the heart of all this was one word: freedom.

Beijing once promised Hong Kong universal suffrage, autonomy, and “a high degree of autonomy,” along with the pledge of “fifty years unchanged.” Yet none of these promises were fulfilled. Instead, they were steadily withdrawn. The so-called “gradual progress” stagnated; the promised autonomy was systematically eroded. The Chinese Communist Party repeatedly broke its word—rules could be rewritten at any time, while Hong Kongers were left to bear the consequences again and again.

Thus, the Anti-Extradition Movement did not erupt out of nowhere. It was the ignition of anger accumulated over many years. When Beijing pushed the amendment to the Extradition Bill, Hong Kong people instantly understood what it meant—a direct pathway into a judicial system without transparency, without checks and balances, and where people could simply disappear. The movement was never about a single case; it was the collective resistance of a society betrayed time after time— Beijing claimed non-interference yet interfered constantly; claimed to safeguard autonomy yet continually dismantled it; claimed “fifty years unchanged” yet reshaped Hong Kong in barely twenty.

The amendment was merely the spark. The real explosives were Beijing’s long-term refusal to honor its commitments. After the Anti-Extradition Movement, Beijing chose not dialogue, but total suppression. With the imposition of the National Security Law, Hong Kong’s atmosphere shifted from free to suffocatingly silent. Street slogans vanished; independent media outlets were forced to shut down; elected legislators were disqualified; scholars, journalists, and lawyers were arrested one after another. Ordinary people could be questioned for a slogan, a sticker, or even a social-media comment. Self-censorship descended like a fog over the entire city.

Most heartbreaking of all is this: even mourning has become a crime.

Hong Kong was once the only place in China where June Fourth could be openly commemorated. The candlelight in Victoria Park symbolized the conscience of several generations of Hong Kongers—and the most precious civic memory in the Chinese-speaking world. Today, the park is barricaded; organizers have been arrested; lighting a candle, sharing a sticker, or wearing black can be denounced as “incitement” or “subversion.”　 People dare not mourn, dare not gather, dare not speak of history.

A city that once dared to shine with candlelight now fears even the shadow of a flame. This is not order. This is terror.

Yet freedom has not been extinguished entirely. There are still those who document the era, preserve archives, carry truth beyond Hong Kong’s borders, and tell the next generation: “We once had freedom—and we still deserve it.” Authoritarianism can silence voices, but it cannot erase memory. It can crush organizations, but it cannot extinguish the fire within the human heart.

Hong Kong’s significance reaches far beyond Hong Kong itself. It reminds the entire Chinese-speaking world: when power is unrestrained, when promises can be broken at will, a society can fall into darkness with astonishing speed. From institutions to press freedom, from the courts to education, from public mourning to historical memory—everything can be erased the moment the authorities decide so.

No amount of censorship, propaganda, or fear can change a fundamental truth: the Chinese Communist Party never intended to honor its promises to Hong Kong. From universal suffrage to autonomy, from judicial independence to freedom of expression—every commitment has been torn apart by the regime itself. Hong Kong’s condition today is not the result of “chaos,” but the inevitable outcome of an authoritarian regime incapable of tolerating a city with a free spirit.

What terrifies them most is this simple fact: China can be prosperous, civilized, and free without the Communist Party—and Hong Kong was the clearest proof. For this very reason, Hong Kong must be remembered.

To remember Hong Kong is to reject authoritarianism. To remember Hong Kong’s resistance is to affirm freedom. To remember the CCP’s betrayal is to warn the world: a regime that rules by lies and breaks its promises cannot provide a future, nor genuine safety.

As long as memory survives, as long as someone tells the truth, as long as we refuse to give up the pursuit of freedom— then one day, authoritarianism will pass into history, and Hong Kong will once again shine with its own light.

一位坚定反共者的内心独白

作者：何兴强
编辑：钟然 责任编辑：罗志飞 校对：熊辩 翻译：何兴强

我曾经是一名修炼观音法门的弟子，学习打坐和祈祷上帝，从 2002年开始就学习打坐，对于信仰和上帝有坚定的探索和不断的追求。我始终相信耶稣的救赎，相信主耶稣的生命的献祭救赎了世人的罪孽！主耶稣牺牲自己的生命成就了千千万万信靠他的人，让主耶稣的生命走进每个信靠他救恩的人的心中，让他们的生命再造。主耶稣的伟大是超越一切世俗的想法成就了上帝伟大救赎的计划。

我在中国大陆就一直有信仰的追求，我信仰的宗教和打坐灵修法门被共产党定义为邪教，也时常参加家庭教会学习圣经，唱赞美诗，因为中国共产党的压迫，心中的苦闷和压抑无法言表！我来到美国成为坚定的反共者，追求生命的救赎，不管打坐也好还是任何其他的宗教也好。真正能走进人的生命，让人生命再造，并且了解终极的生命的意义。这才是宗教的价值所在。佛教的了脱生死和儒家的“朝闻道夕死可矣”都是对生死的诠释和人类道德的教化，但是这些宗教没有真正生命的实践和救赎以及新生命的体验！只有主耶稣才是人生命的终极救赎。只有完全信靠主耶稣才能获得真正的、彻底的、生命的救赎！

现在有人问我，我就会对他们说“我完全信靠主耶稣”，请记住信靠非常重要，信心非常重要。对于耶稣的信心会成就我们完全的生命的救赎，这不是打坐可以完全做到的事情，信靠主耶稣让我们找到生命真正的意义！主耶稣被钉十字架！他的被钉十字架让自己的生命无限的放大，进入每一个相信他，信靠他的人的心中，让每一个信靠他的人的生命成为新的生命，我的生命因为相信主耶稣而有了依靠，并且有了真正活着的力量。

共产主义和共产党作为无神论的倡导者打压基督徒，迫害真正信仰上帝的人，简直是天理难容！我在美国参加反共组织，我在美国和中国参加打坐的灵修组织——观音法门。后来他们得知我参加反共活动，出于组织自保的目的将我除名。我完全理解这样的做法，真正的信仰是打不垮的，也不是任何组织能够决定的，只要你的信仰是建立在磐石上面而不是建立在松散的沙土上面，我的信仰是建立在主耶稣的生命的救赎上面，我全心全意接受主耶稣为自己生命的救赎，我的信仰是建立在磐石上面而不是沙土上面，所以是打不垮的，是摧不毁的，我一定要和共产党坚定斗争到底，耶稣基督是我生命的救赎。这是我内心最大的依靠也是我内心最真实的声音！

《从耶稣的死看中共的灭亡》这是我一直在筹备写的书，也是我内心想要表达的最真实的想法，从耶稣的死里我获得了新的生命，真正迎来了新的生命，这是我生命最大的依靠，共产主义和共产党想要获得永恒，但是他倡导的无神论，以及对于生命的漠视和对于真正信仰上帝的人的压迫和迫害是天理难容的，所以我可以从耶稣的死和耶稣的牺牲看到共产主义终极灭亡的结局！共产主义和共产党最终一定会从历史舞台上消失，被世人唾弃并被丢到垃圾堆里！

“从耶稣的死看中共的灭亡”这不是一个空洞的概念，这是真理和邪恶的对抗，最终邪恶无法战胜真理，耶稣基督就是：道路、真理、生命。邪恶和虚伪、妄自尊大的共产党是无法和真理对抗的，历史告诉我们，无论是独裁的罗马政府还是如今的共产党都无法逃避他的终极宿命，那就是完全接受主耶稣，退出历史舞台。让上帝的声音被世人听到，让上帝的救赎和主耶稣的恩赐成为世人的依靠，而不是共产主义和共产党。政党是为人民服务的，人是上帝最完美的创造。只有耶稣的救恩和上帝的旨意才是永恒。一切想要成为永恒的都会成为历史垃圾，所以共产党和共产主义就是历史垃圾，也最终会成为最肮脏的历史垃圾。

这是我作为一个因为接受主耶稣为生命救主，而获得生命再造的人的内心独白。坚定的反对共产党，让我心向光明，坚定的信靠主耶稣让我生命有了力量和依靠。在这个世界上，最终，正义会战胜邪恶。什么是正义？耶稣基督就是正义的代表，圣经讲“因信称义”，信什么？就是信靠主耶稣，我们生命的救赎的入口就在于：对于耶稣的信仰，你自己的信心，你自己信心是不是足够强大，就决定了你是否能战胜邪恶，耶稣就是正义的化身，因为你信靠主耶稣，所以你就站在了正义的一面，你就是新造的人。“旧事已过，一切都是新的了。”所以相信主耶稣，就是天生的反对共产党，反对邪恶。

“从耶稣的死看共产主义和共产党的灭亡”这是一个最朴素的道理和事实，当你认识到这个事实的时候，你的心里是十分通透和畅快的，你的生命就走入了新的历程，和基督徒的兄弟姊妹讨论耶稣的救赎的时候，你的内心是充满力量的，是有坚定的信仰的支撑的，所以每当和兄弟姊妹分享主耶稣的救恩的时候，心里都是满怀感激的。

这是我找到真正的信仰的基石，从而生命获得救赎的最真切的体验，这种救赎就是来自于耶稣基督！信仰耶稣基督这是真正新生命的开始！任何打压基督徒，忽略上帝存在的党派和组织都是反人类，反人民和反人性的！中国共产党就是这样的存在！所以我完全有理由相信，并且我希望让更多的人明白，从耶稣的死，以及耶稣的复活，真正可以看到共产主义和共产党必将灭亡的事实！

个人的生命因人而异，我自己从阅读儒家经典，佛教书籍到后来学习打坐，后来在非洲工作被绑架，遭受雷劈，死里逃生，对于生命有了终极的思考，越是这样我越觉得主耶稣的伟大！因为我有了真真切切的生命的经历和生死的体验，作为人最大的就是生死，耶稣基督在这一点上，用自己的生命作出了最完美的实践和诠释，为世人作出了最伟大的牺牲，为人类作出了最完美的救赎和恩赐，只要坚定地相信主耶稣，我们的生命就有了真正的盼望，圣经讲“信、望、爱”。坚信主耶稣基督，生命有了盼望，并且将耶稣基督的爱通过我们的信心散播出去，活出主耶稣基督的样子！这也就是主耶稣基督救赎的真正含义所在。

我反对共产党的最根本的出发点就是，共产主义无神论否认上帝的存在，只要是真正信仰上帝，就被共产党定义为邪教，这是天理难容的，民运人士时常会辩论的一个核心点就是，真反共还是假反共，其实核心的一点我们必须要明白，为什么反共，共产党是否认上帝的存在，没有敬畏心，所以它就会无所畏惧、胡作非为、恶贯满盈、天理难容。因为共产党认为自己就是天理！所以共产党的所做所为都是天理难容的！

反共的人是与邪恶势不两立的，与黑暗和邪恶划清界限的人，所以他们都是站在光明一面的人，站在正义的一面的人，而耶稣基督就是正义的化身，所以真正信靠主耶稣基督的人，都是天生反共的人，这是一个普遍的事实无需解释，无需争辩。

主耶稣，你用生命诠释了什么是真正的爱，你让世人看到了真正的救赎，你的生命因为被钉十字架，完成了上帝完美的救赎计划，你的生命没有终结，你用自己的生命完美地诠释了什么是真正的永恒。主耶稣基督，我会虔诚地接受你为我生命的救主，让你的生命走进我的生命，让我获得新的生命，我的新生命来自于耶稣基督的救恩和完美的救赎计划！主耶稣基督！我要完完全全的信靠你，让你成为我生命的主宰！将我的私欲和自私一同被钉在十字架上，让我获得新的生命的升华！旧事已过一切都是新的，主耶稣基督，无论我在软弱和刚强的时候你都与我同在，你的生命住在我的生命里，我的生命一无是处，是你的生命真正成就了我的生命，你在任何时候都眷顾我，眷顾我的软弱，眷顾使我远离傲慢，我完全信靠主耶稣基督，我自己的傲慢和自私完全和你一同钉死在十字架上！我同你一起从死里复活，复活的我就是新造的我！我相信这个完美的救赎计划，这是你对世人作出的完全的牺牲！

我要完全的信靠主耶稣！全心全意接受主耶稣基督为我生命的救主！我相信主耶稣基督！从而使我获得生命的再造！

这是我内心的完全的独白，也是我奉主耶稣基督的命所做的最虔诚的祷告！

阿门！

Jesus Let Me Experience a Recreated Life

— The Inner Monologue of a Firm Anti-Communist

Author: He Xingqiang
Editor: Zhong Ran Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: He Xingqiang

I was once a disciple practicing the Quan Yin Method, learning meditation and praying to God. Since 2002, I have been meditating, pursuing faith, truth, and the existence of God with determination. I have always believed in the salvation of Jesus, and in the sacrificial offering of His life, which redeemed the sins of mankind. The Lord Jesus gave His life for millions who trust in Him, allowing His life to enter the hearts of all who receive His salvation, recreating their lives. The greatness of the Lord Jesus surpasses all worldly thinking and fully manifests God’s magnificent plan of redemption.

In mainland China, I had always pursued faith. But the spiritual practices I followed—meditation and the Quan Yin Method—were labeled as “evil cults” by the Communist Party. I also joined house churches, studied the Bible, and sang hymns, yet all of this had to be done under the oppression of the CCP. The anguish and repression in my heart could hardly be expressed. After coming to the United States, I became a firm anti-communist, continuing my pursuit of salvation. Whether through meditation or other religions, none of them can truly enter a person’s life and recreate it from within. That is the ultimate purpose of true faith. Buddhism speaks of liberation from reincarnation, Confucianism speaks of “hearing the Way and being ready to die,” but these do not offer true spiritual rebirth or salvation. Only the Lord Jesus is the ultimate salvation for human life. Only by completely trusting in Him can one receive true and complete redemption.

Now, when people ask me, I say to them: “I fully trust in the Lord Jesus.”

Remember: trust is essential, faith is essential. Our faith in Jesus brings about our complete salvation. Meditation cannot achieve this. Trusting in Jesus gives us the true meaning of life. The Lord Jesus was crucified, and through His crucifixion, His life was magnified infinitely, entering the hearts of all who believe in Him, transforming them into new creations. My own life gained true strength and grounding because I believe in the Lord Jesus.

Communism and the Communist Party, as promoters of atheism, suppress Christians and persecute those who truly believe in God. This is utterly intolerable! I joined anti-communist organizations in the United States. When the spiritual organization I practiced with—the Quan Yin Method—learned about my anti-communist activities, they removed me for their own protection. I fully understand their decision. True faith cannot be destroyed, nor can it be decided by any organization. If your faith is built on the solid rock rather than on shifting sand, it cannot be shaken. My faith is built on the salvation of the Lord Jesus. I have accepted Him wholeheartedly as the Redeemer of my life. My faith stands on the rock and cannot be destroyed. I will fight the Communist Party with unwavering determination. Jesus Christ is my salvation and my deepest inner voice.

“Seeing the Fall of the CCP Through the Death of Jesus” is the book I have long wanted to write, the most genuine expression of my heart. From the death of Jesus, I received new life. This is my greatest source of strength. Communism seeks eternity, but its atheism, its contempt for human life, and its persecution of true believers is abhorrent. From the death and sacrifice of Jesus, I can clearly see the inevitable downfall of Communism. The CCP will eventually vanish from history, despised and thrown into the garbage heap of mankind.

“Seeing the fall of the CCP through the death of Jesus” is not an empty concept. It is the confrontation between truth and evil. Evil can never triumph over truth. Jesus Christ is the Way, the Truth, and the Life. The hypocritical and arrogant Communist Party cannot defeat the truth. History has shown that neither ancient tyrannies—such as the Roman Empire—nor the modern CCP can escape their ultimate fate: to bow before the Lord Jesus and withdraw from the stage of history. Let the voice of God be heard by the world, and let His salvation become the reliance of mankind—not Communism. Governments exist to serve the people, and people are God’s most perfect creation. Only the salvation of Jesus and the will of God are eternal. Everything that seeks to become “eternal” will become historical garbage—including the CCP.

As someone whose life has been recreated through accepting Jesus as Lord and Savior, this is my inner confession. Standing firmly against the CCP allows my heart to walk in light; trusting the Lord Jesus gives my life strength and purpose. In this world, justice will ultimately triumph over evil. What is justice? Jesus Christ is justice itself. The Bible says: “Justified by faith.”

Faith in what? Faith in the Lord Jesus. The doorway to salvation lies in your faith—whether your faith is strong enough to overcome evil. Because Jesus is the embodiment of justice, those who trust Him stand on the side of justice. You no longer walk with darkness; you become a new creation: “The old has passed away; behold, all things have become new.” Therefore, believing in Jesus naturally leads to rejecting the evil of the CCP.

This truth—that the death of Jesus reveals the inevitable fall of Communism—is simple yet profound. Once you understand it, your heart becomes clear and free. When I discuss the salvation of Jesus with Christian brothers and sisters, my heart is filled with strength and unwavering faith. Every time I share the gospel, I am full of gratitude.

This is the cornerstone of my true faith, the deepest experience of salvation. This salvation comes only from Jesus Christ. Faith in Him is the beginning of the new life. Any organization or regime that persecutes Christians or denies God’s existence is anti-human, anti-people, and anti-nature. The Chinese Communist Party is exactly such an entity. Therefore, I have every reason to believe—and I hope more people will understand—that through the death and resurrection of Jesus, we can clearly see the inevitable downfall of Communism.

Everyone has different life experiences. From reading Confucian classics and Buddhist texts to later practicing meditation, to being kidnapped in Africa, struck by lightning, and surviving death, I have gained deep reflection on life. The more I experienced, the more I realized the greatness of the Lord Jesus. He offered the ultimate explanation of life and death. With His own life, He gave the perfect sacrifice for humanity. As long as we firmly believe in Jesus, our lives gain true hope. The Bible speaks of faith, hope, and love. When we trust in Jesus Christ, hope arises within us, and His love flows through us. To live out His love is the true meaning of His salvation.

The fundamental reason I oppose the Communist Party is that Communism, grounded in atheism, denies God. Anyone who truly believes in God is labeled a “cult member.” This is intolerable. Among pro-democracy activists, the debate about “true anti-communism vs. fake anti-communism” is constant. But the core issue is simple:

Why oppose the CCP?

Because the CCP denies God, has no reverence, and thus fears nothing—committing countless atrocities, utterly intolerable in the sight of heaven. The CCP claims itself to be “heaven’s way,” which is why everything it does is against heaven.

Those who oppose the CCP stand on the side of light and justice, drawing a clear boundary with darkness. Jesus Christ is the embodiment of justice; therefore, those who truly trust Him are naturally anti-communist. This needs no explanation or debate—it is simply the truth.

Lord Jesus, You revealed the true meaning of love through Your sacrifice. You showed the world the path of salvation. Through the cross, You completed God’s perfect redemptive plan. Your life did not end; You demonstrated what eternity truly means. Lord Jesus Christ, I accept You as the Savior of my life. Let Your life enter mine and recreate me. My new life comes from Your salvation and God’s perfect plan.

Lord Jesus Christ, I trust You completely. Become the Lord of my life. Nail my selfishness and pride to the cross with You, so that I may rise into a renewed life. The old has passed away; all things have become new. Whether I am weak or strong, You are with me. Your life dwells in me. I am nothing; it is Your life that fulfills mine. You watch over me, correct my arrogance, and strengthen my weakness. I trust You with all my heart. My pride and selfishness have been crucified with You. I have risen with You from death, and the resurrected “me” is a new creation. I believe in Your perfect salvation, Your ultimate sacrifice for mankind.

I will fully trust in the Lord Jesus and accept Him with all my heart as the Savior of my life. Through Him, my life has been reborn.

This is my inner confession, and my most sincere prayer in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.

Amen.

作者：何愚（He Yu）
编辑：赵杰 校对：熊辩 翻译：吕峰

正如朱虞夫先生所言：「每一位中國民主黨人，都是中國民主黨的創黨人。」這句話深深地鼓舞了我，也在我心中點燃了一種無可推卸的責任感。它提醒我們：我們不是旁觀者，不是等待曙光的人；我們就是那一束微光，我們就是那個點燃火種的人。

自從走出國門，我便深知，我們身處海外的每一個中國民主團體，都是中國未來民主的實驗場。我們在異鄉集會、辯論、組織、建立共識的過程，不僅是在尋找自身的政治出路，更是在為中國的未來摸索一條可行之路。我們在言語中表達思想，在行動中實踐信念，在爭執中學會妥協，在失敗中重建希望。

無論你在民主黨內身居何位，或在《在野黨》中負責何事，我們所參與、所經歷的這一切，都是寶貴的歷程。這些經驗，絕非虛幻的夢語，而是中國未來自由、尊嚴與權利得以扎根的沃土。

我們都知道，民主不會自動降臨。它不會從天而降，也不會從歷史的某個角落自動復甦。它必須靠人去爭取，靠思想去播種，靠行動去守護。而我們——在這個時代中覺醒的中國人，就是那批種子。我們的存在，就是一種宣告：民主在中國不是幻想，而是一場正在準備中的現實。

或許我們的名字未必被寫進歷史教科書，或許我們一生都無法親眼見證民主的果實落地開花，但我們播下的種子，會在將來某個春天發芽；我們經歷的曲折、創傷與堅持，將成為後人建設民主制度時最可依靠的經驗與參考。

在這條艱難的道路上，我們並不孤單。當我們想起天安門、想起八九、想起無數被囚禁與流亡的靈魂，我們知道，我們是承接那條歷史長河的一部分。而在我們之後，還會有人接過我們的筆與火，把這條道路延續下去。

今天的我們，是未來民主的實踐者，是歷史的見證者，更是良知的守護者。

未來的中國，會感謝今天堅持信念的你我。

We Are the Seeds of China’s Democratic Future

Author: He Yu
Editor: Zhao Jie Proofreader: Xiong BianTranslator: Lyu Feng

Abstract: We are not bystanders, nor people waiting for the dawn; we are the faint glimmer of light, and we are those who ignite the first spark.

As Mr. Zhu Yufu once said, “Every member of the China Democracy Party is a founding member of the China Democracy Party.” These words have profoundly encouraged me and stirred within me a sense of inescapable responsibility. They remind us that we are not observers, not passive waiters of the coming dawn; we are that glimmer of light, we are the ones who kindle the fire.

Since leaving China, I have understood deeply that every Chinese democratic organization overseas serves as a testing ground for China’s future democracy. Our gatherings, debates, organizing efforts, and consensus-building in a foreign land are not merely attempts to find our own political path—they are explorations of a viable route for China’s tomorrow. We express ideas through our words, embody convictions through our actions, learn compromise amid disagreements, and rebuild hope in the wake of setbacks.

No matter what position you hold within the Democratic Party, or what responsibilities you undertake in the Opposition Party, everything we participate in and experience is a valuable journey. These experiences are not illusory dreams—they are the fertile soil in which China’s future freedom, dignity, and rights will one day take root.

We all know that democracy does not arrive on its own. It will not fall from the sky, nor will it resurrect itself from some forgotten corner of history. It must be struggled for by human hands, sown through ideas, and safeguarded through action. And we—Chinese who have awakened in this era—are the seeds of that future. Our very existence is a declaration: democracy in China is not a fantasy, but a reality in preparation.

Perhaps our names will never be written into history textbooks; perhaps we may never live to see the day when democracy finally blossoms in our homeland. Yet the seeds we plant today will sprout in a future spring. The twists, wounds, and resilience we endure will become the most dependable references for those who build China’s democratic institutions in the years to come.

On this difficult road, we are not alone. When we recall Tiananmen, recall ’89, recall the countless souls imprisoned or exiled, we understand that we are part of that long current of history. And after us, others will take up our pen and our flame, carrying this path forward.

Today, we are the practitioners of future democracy, the witnesses of history, and the guardians of conscience.The China of tomorrow will remember—and thank—the conviction we uphold today.