I am Lü Cong, a member of the China Democracy Party. I love freedom and uphold democracy, and for these ideals I am willing to devote all my passion. I cannot tolerate one-party dictatorship, nor can I bear to see the Chinese people remain in slumber.
From passive obedience to awakening today, I firmly believe that if we do not stand up now, tomorrow we will be like chickens trapped in a cage. What you think is “none of your business” or “keeping your head down” will, in the end, lead to a life under control. If you do not stand up, you are leaving your fate for others to decide.
That is why I have set out on this journey, without hesitation, to San Francisco to protest Xi Jinping. I have joined the Democracy Party, walking side by side with freedom. I have gone to the Chinese Consulate to oppose the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party; I have gone to the Hollywood Walk of Fame to speak about the current state of human rights in China; I have gone to Sculpture Park to commemorate history that has been forgotten; I have gone to the June Fourth Museum to learn about that painful past.
I have been striving all along, never forgetting the conviction in my heart. Even though this road is hard, even though it is filled with fear, I will keep walking it—steadfast and unyielding.
Author: Lü Cong Editor: Zhao JieExecutive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Guo Bin
Cai Qi, a native of Songyang County, Zhejiang Province, is a member of the Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party’s Politburo and Director of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee. He is widely regarded as one of Xi Jinping’s most loyal confidants. Cai’s political career has closely followed Xi’s path—from Fujian to Zhejiang and then to Beijing—and his rapid rise to the upper echelons of the CCP has been built on absolute obedience to the will of his superior and unwavering public displays of loyalty. For Cai, pleasing the supreme leader has always taken precedence over any standard of governance.
During his tenure as Beijing’s top official, Cai became infamous for the large-scale expulsion of migrant workers. After the 2017 Daxing fire, under his direction, Beijing launched a “safety hazard rectification” campaign in which vast numbers of non-Beijing residents were forcibly evicted from their homes on frigid winter nights, with no adequate resettlement or compensation. Tens of thousands of families were left on the streets. Since then, the “clear-out of the low-end population” became a norm. Massive demolitions of rental housing in urban–rural fringe areas, along with forced evictions through cutting off water and electricity, became routine. Ordinary residents lost their homes overnight. Overseas Chinese-language media such as Radio Free Asia and Deutsche Welle repeatedly described his population-clearing policy as the rule of a “ruthless enforcer” in Beijing.
In urban management, Cai has long relied on campaign-style crackdowns and coercive measures. Unauthorized demolitions of “illegal structures,” the sealing off of small businesses, and the razing of shantytowns without due public process occurred repeatedly—sometimes with “seals pasted at dawn and buildings torn down by night.” Residents who tried to defend their rights were forcibly removed by law enforcement. Under his governance model, driven by numerical targets, vulnerable groups were treated as expendable collateral.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, Cai enforced extreme “zero-COVID” measures. In many parts of Beijing, entire residential compounds were sealed off with iron sheets and barbed wire. Prolonged lockdowns restricted movement, leaving residents short of daily necessities; patients faced delays in medical treatment, and some died as a result. Pandemic control was highly politicized—its core mission was to display control and stability-maintenance success, with no accountability for the costs to people’s lives. In November 2022, Beijing saw the outbreak of the “White Paper Movement” as public anger mounted over prolonged lockdowns, and Cai’s pandemic policies became a focus of public criticism.
Throughout his career, loyalty has outweighed competence, and control has outweighed governance. The dignity and rights of ordinary citizens have never entered his calculus.
Author / Editor: Hu LiliExecutive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Guo Bin
Jiangyou Incident: A Crack in the Repressive System, a Prelude to China’s Coming Turmoil
Author: Tuo Xianrun
Editor: Zhao Jie | Chief Editor: Huiwen Lu | Translation: Huiwen Lu
Summary: The Jiangyou incident is a small-scale “June Fourth” — once again showing the whole of China and the world the reality of the government’s suppression of the people. Jiangyou was crushed, but it is a matchstick that will ignite a greater yearning for democracy and freedom among the Chinese people.
The Jiangyou incident is not an isolated case, but a mirror reflecting the distorted reality of Chinese society under the CCP’s system. A girl was beaten and humiliated in her school — not merely a personal tragedy, but a concentrated embodiment of systemic violence.
In China, there is no justice — only “stability maintenance.”
It doesn’t matter whose children the perpetrators are — whether or not they are the direct descendants of city leaders, they are all part of that small, inbred circle of privilege. Closed-off resources, internal career infighting, and nepotistic corruption form the everyday ecology of such localities. Don’t expect them to speak out for justice — they only protect each other, covering up the truth with media blackouts, heavy-handed “stability maintenance,” and online censorship.
Jiangyou is not unique. Similar phenomena exist in the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, Liangshan Prefecture, and remote areas of Guizhou. The local factions they form have long deviated from the path of modern governance, turning instead into independent fiefdoms — acknowledging no authority, moving for no one, focused only on maximizing their own interests.
For this reason, China’s future will not be a “great unified prosperity,” but a “fragmented tyranny.” When the center loses control and Beijing’s orders cannot reach the localities, these small groups will become independent warlords. They are long accustomed to suppressing the people and safeguarding vested interests. They will not build democracy — they will only replicate Beijing’s worst and coldest methods of totalitarian rule.
The people of Jiangyou gathered this time because they were personally and deeply hurt, because the video broke through the bottom line of silence. Yet even so, it cannot be transformed into a genuine democratic movement. The cries of “Down with Xi Jinping” are merely shouts born of anger — not the beginning of organization, vision, and strategy.
And that is the most heartbreaking reality: the people are angry, but have no way out.
Systemic violence, brainwashing education, media censorship, and corrupted law enforcement form the four pillars of the new totalitarianism. The Jiangyou incident is merely a crack between these pillars, letting us glimpse their inevitable collapse.
This time, the authorities’ suppression showed no hesitation — dispersing crowds, deleting posts, arresting people, sealing off information — all done with extreme speed. The reason is simple: they fear the demonstration effect. They know that once one place resists successfully, others will follow.
And this precisely shows that the system’s end is not far off.
Today Jiangyou, tomorrow China. Every suppression is a test — and every test is the ticking of the countdown clock. The CCP is not unafraid of chaos — it is terrified of it. They know that the repressed anger needs only a single match.
The Jiangyou incident is not an ending, but a prologue. In the turmoil to come, the mildest wishes will become the fiercest resistance — not for revolution, but simply to be human.
Therefore, we must record, speak out, and organize.
We are not only supporting the girl from Jiangyou — we are saying “no” to all the injustices created by this system. Not just for this girl, but for countless silent girls, boys, families, and futures.
A regime that does not protect its children is bound to lose its future.
A system that treats justice as its enemy is destined to be ended by justice itself.
The Most Gruesome Father-Son Photo from the Great Famine: “Father Eats Son”
Author: Zhong Ran
Editor: Luo Zhifei | Chief Editor: Huiwen Lu | Translated by: Huiwen Lu
The case of Liu Jiayuan killing and eating his son occurred in 1960 in Lixian County, Hunan Province, during China’s Great Famine. Due to years of starvation, Liu’s household had long since run out of food. On the brink of death from hunger, Liu Jiayuan ultimately killed his son and ate him to survive.
After the incident, Liu Jiayuan was arrested. The case became one of the documented proofs of cannibalism during the Three Years of Great Famine.
In the photograph, Liu Jiayuan stands against a wall, iron shackles on his wrists. Beside him are his son’s skull and skeleton, along with an iron pot. In the pot is meat he had sliced from the body of his nearly starved son, stewed with carrots.
The photo was taken before Liu’s execution. It was documented by those who carried out the execution and serves as irrefutable evidence of cannibalism during that horrific era.
Case Records of Persecuted Members of the China Democracy Party (Zhejiang Region)
Author: Zhu Yufu
Editor: Hu Lili | Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei | Translated by: Huiwen Lu
Since its founding on June 25, 1998, the China Democracy Party has been designated by the Chinese Ministry of Public Security as a “hostile organization” and has endured horrific political persecution. Among them, members from Zhejiang Province have suffered some of the most severe oppression.
Zhu Yufu (Hangzhou): A core member of the China Democracy Party Zhejiang Preparatory Committee, and current Editor-in-Chief of The Opposition Party magazine. He was a key initiator of the 1978 Hangzhou Democracy Wall and convenor of the underground publication April Fifth. Arrested after the 1989 Tiananmen Movement for “participation in unrest” and dismissed from his position. In 1999, sentenced to 7 years in prison and 3 years of political rights deprivation for “subverting state power” due to party organizing. Released on September 15, 2006. Arrested again in 2007 and sentenced to 2 years for “obstructing official duties.” In 2012, sentenced to another 7 years for “inciting subversion,” with political rights deprived for 3 years. Total sentence: 16 years.
Lv Gengsong (Hangzhou): Former teacher at Zhejiang Provincial College of Public Security, Chairman of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democracy Party, and Honorary Chief Editor of The Opposition Party. Resigned in protest after the 1989 massacre. Sentenced to 4 years in 2008 for party activities, and later heavily sentenced to 11 years in 2016. Total sentence: 15 years.
Chen Shuqiang (Fuyang/Hangzhou): Graduate of Zhejiang University, former national preparatory leader of the China Democracy Party, and Vice Chairman of the Zhejiang Committee. Main drafter of The Party Law and numerous CDP statements. Took over publication of The Opposition Party after the arrest of its first editors. Currently Honorary Chief Editor. In 2007, sentenced to 4 years, and again in 2016 to 10.5 years. Total: 14.5 years.
Wang Youcai (Fuyang): Former Peking University graduate student and 1989 student movement leader. Founding member of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee. First to apply for party registration in 1998. Sentenced to 11 years for “subversion.” Released early due to international pressure and exiled to the U.S. (also previously sentenced to 3 years for Tiananmen-related activities).
Mao Qingxiang (Hangzhou): Founding member of the China Democracy Party and one of the founders of The Opposition Party. In 1999, sentenced to 8 years for organizing party activities; again sentenced in 2008 to 3 years. Total: 11 years.
Wu Yilong (Anhui origin, based in Hangzhou during party founding): Co-founded the Sanlian Reading Club and edited The Reader magazine in 1998. Helped found the Zhejiang Committee and established contacts nationwide. Co-founded The Opposition Party with Mao Qingxiang and Zhu Yufu. In 1999, sentenced to 11 years and 3 years deprivation of political rights. Released in 2010.
Zhu Zhengming (Jiangshan): One of the CDP’s founding initiators, drafter of the Party Constitution and Founding Declaration, author of Political Democracy. Sentenced to 10 years and 4 years deprivation of political rights in 1999. Endured harsh treatment in prison and remains under strict surveillance.
Xu Guang (Fuyang): Participated in the 1989 student movement at Hangzhou University. Worked at Fuyang Environmental Monitoring Station. Founded the CDP Fuyang Committee in 1998 and engaged in international outreach. In 1999, sentenced to 5 years and deprived of political rights for 2 years. Tortured in prison. In 2024, sentenced again to 4 years. Total: 9 years. Still imprisoned; release expected in 2026.
Nie Minzhi (1931–October 7, 2001, Hangzhou): Dissident and CDP founder. Sentenced to death in the 1970s for opposing the Cultural Revolution, later commuted to 10 years after Lin Biao’s downfall. Participated in the April Fifth publication. Helped reorganize the CDP in 1999 and edited The Opposition Party after the arrests.
Arrested in 2000 and sentenced to one year of re-education through labor. Died in custody.
Wang Rongqing (Dec. 9, 1943 – June 26, 2014, Hangzhou): Core CDP Zhejiang member. Involved in “Democracy Wall” and the East China People’s Journal. Participated in the 1989 movement and CDP founding in 1998. Drafted the China Political Parties Law Proposal submitted to the National People’s Congress in 2004. Detained in 2006, then sentenced to 6 years in 2009 for “subversion.” Released due to kidney failure. Died in 2014.
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Appendix:
Compiled by Mr. Zhu Yufu on November 20, 2024 — List of persecuted CDP members from Zhejiang:
I. Four CDP members from Zhejiang died due to persecution while in prison:
1. Nie Minzhi (took over The Opposition Party after first editors were arrested)
2. Li Hong
3. Wang Rongqing (same as above)
4. Chen Ziliang
II. 28 CDP members from Zhejiang were imprisoned:
1. Zhu Yufu: 16 years
2. Lv Gengsong: 15 years
3. Chen Shuqiang: 14.5 years
4. Wang Youcai: 11 years (released and exiled mid-term)
5. Mao Qingxiang: 11 years
6. Wu Yilong: 11 years
7. Zhu Zhengming: 10 years
8. Xu Guang: 9 years
9. Mao Guoliang: 7 years
10. Yan Zhengxue: 6 years (deceased)
11. Wang Rongqing: 6 years (deceased)
12. Li Hong: 6 years (deceased)
13. Zhao Wanmin: 5 years
14. Wang Ce: 4 years (deceased)
15. Ye Wenxiang: 4 years
16. Shen Jianming: 4 years
17. Chen Longde: 3 years
18. Chen Kaiping: 3 years (multiple terms)
19. Chi Jianwei: 3 years (deceased)
20. Nie Minzhi: 3 years (deceased)
21. Fu Guoyong: 3 years
22. Fan Ziliang: 3 years
23. Wu Gaoxing: 2 years
24. Wang Donghai: 2 years (deceased)
25. Shan Chengfeng: 2 years
26. Lin Dagang: 2 years
27. Qi Huimin: 1 year
28. Wu Lixing: 1 year
29. Zhu Ang: 1.5 years suspended sentence (son of Zhu Yufu)
Total prison terms served by Zhejiang CDP members and dissidents: 175 years
III. 23 individuals from Zhejiang sacrificed their lives for the Chinese pro-democracy movement:
1. Xu Guoqiang (Hangzhou)
2. Nie Minzhi (Hangzhou)
3. Ying Quangang (Ningbo)
4. Ying Guohua (Hangzhou)
5. Zhang Ronglai (Ningbo)
6. Zhang Jianhong (pen name: Li Hong, Ningbo)
7. Jing Xiaotang (Ningbo)
8. Wang Donghai (Hangzhou)
9. Zhong Haitao (Hangzhou)
10. Wang Ce (Wenzhou)
11. Huang Heqing (Wenzhou)
12. Wang Rongqing (Hangzhou)
13. Wang Rongyao (Hangzhou)
14. Yu Hangsheng (Hangzhou)
15. Wu Peiqing (Hangzhou)
16. Zhang Yida (Hangzhou)
17. Chi Jianwei (Hangzhou)
18. Chen Ziliang (Hangzhou)
19. Wu Yuanming (Hangzhou)
20. Yan Zhengxue (Taizhou)
21. Ma Xianlin (Hangzhou)
22. Deng Huanwu (Wenzhou)
23. Yu Tielong (Hangzhou)
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IV. Since the founding of the China Democracy Party, Zhejiang has always had CDP members imprisoned. As of 2025, five remain incarcerated (including political prisoners):
Behind the “Badge-Showing” Incident Lies the Institutional Arrogance of Public Power
By Feng Reng
Editor: Zhou Zhigang | Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei | Translated by: Huiwen Lu
Summary:
On the afternoon of July 22, 2025, in Xinggang Village, Qisha Town, Gangkou District, Fangchenggang City, Guangxi, China, a dispute broke out between Mr. Li and a woman surnamed Hou when their vehicles met on a narrow rural road. Ms. Hou claimed to be a law enforcement officer and demanded that Mr. Li reverse his car to give way. The entire altercation was recorded on video and later posted online, sparking nationwide controversy.
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On July 22, 2025, in Xinggang Village, Qisha Town, Gangkou District of Fangchenggang City, Guangxi Province, two SUVs encountered each other on a narrow country road and got into a standoff. Mr. Li, driving a white Haval SUV, came face-to-face with a black Mercedes SUV. The woman driving the Mercedes refused to reverse and got out, flashing an administrative law enforcement badge and declaring, “I’m a law enforcement officer,” demanding Mr. Li give way.
The entire scene was recorded on a mobile phone and uploaded to the internet, triggering widespread public outrage. In the video, the woman behaves aggressively, repeatedly emphasizing that she “has a badge.” She even went as far as visiting the other party’s home afterward to demand the video be deleted, claiming she “knows the police,” further inflaming public opinion.
In the early hours of August 3, the Gangkou District of Fangchenggang City released an official statement, identifying the woman, Ms. Hou, as an employee of a private company—not a law enforcement officer. The badge she displayed belonged to her husband, Mr. Li, who is a formal employee of the Comprehensive Administrative Law Enforcement Bureau in Gangkou District. The badge, according to the statement, had been kept in their personal vehicle, and Ms. Hou allegedly used it “on a whim” upon discovering it there.
The statement also claimed that the two parties involved are relatives, living just 800 meters apart, and described the incident as a “misunderstanding” that did not constitute any criminal offense. However, this explanation failed to quell public anger. Instead, it provoked greater skepticism due to its evasiveness and deflection of key issues.
After watching the video and then reading the official statement, my overriding feeling was not disbelief—but familiarity.
Because it felt all too familiar. It’s exactly like what we experienced in everyday life in China:
“I’m so-and-so’s relative,” “Do you know who I am?” “My dad is Li Gang.”
It’s the everyday absurdity of a society where family connections and privileged status allow people to behave with impunity in the streets and alleys.
It is a reflection of a deeper systemic illness—the abuse of public power, the privatization of authority, and the complete absence of oversight.
This woman was not a law enforcement officer, yet she wielded her husband’s badge to exert pressure on a stranger in a traffic dispute. Later, she brazenly demanded the deletion of the video, claiming ties to the police. What kind of power was she relying on?
Ordinary people like us don’t fear the law—we fear fake officials with real privilege.
We don’t fear rules—we fear a system that condones this culture of family-backed impunity, where flashing a badge becomes a normalized form of intimidation.
I experienced something similar when I was still in China. I was once stopped on the road by a “relative of some bureau chief” simply because I didn’t let him pass first. With one sentence—“Do you know who I am?”—I had to smile apologetically and bow my head, or face retaliation. I remember thinking then: Can a country like this still have hope?
Now that I live in the United States, I still feel suffocated watching the events in Guangxi unfold. Because I know this isn’t just one person’s arrogance—it’s a microcosm of the rampant abuse of power in China’s political system. This phenomenon of “if I have connections, a badge, or a backer, I can bully others at will” has become a cancer in Chinese society. And the authorities’ response? “They’re relatives, it was just a misunderstanding.”
But the public is no longer so easily fooled.
We don’t want a vague “misunderstanding” to brush the issue aside.
We don’t want to be pacified with the word “relatives.”
What we want is a real investigation, real accountability, and real institutional checks and balances.
If a simple law enforcement badge can be turned into a family member’s tool of intimidation, then what truly needs to be brought into the spotlight and scrutinized is not just the woman’s identity—
but the arrogance and corruption of the entire system.
Resist the CCP’s Use of State Machinery to Suppress Peaceful Protesters
Liberty Bell Rings · Global Awakening · Democratic Alliance · Eliminate Dictatorship · Overthrow Tyranny
[Event Theme]: Silencing the Vulnerable, Ignoring Campus Bullying! Resist the CCP’s Use of State Machinery to Suppress Peaceful Protesters!
Recently, a video from Jiangyou, Sichuan shocked the world:
A girl was slapped, forced to kneel, and stripped by several peers in an abandoned building. The abuse was filmed by the perpetrators and publicly flaunted.
Even more horrifying, the perpetrators arrogantly shouted: “Call the police? What are we afraid of? We’ll be out in twenty minutes.”
That one sentence ripped apart the naked truth of Chinese society under CCP tyranny—violence goes unchecked, and the rule of law is nonexistent!
As the incident escalated, the Jiangyou police’s dismissive handling enraged the entire nation:
• The injuries were deemed “minor,” and the perpetrators were only given administrative penalties;
• The victim’s family cried helplessly while the perpetrators remained arrogant;
• Local citizens spontaneously protested at government offices, but were violently dispersed—some were even thrown into livestock transport vehicles;
• Public outrage was entirely censored, and state media remained silent and indifferent!
When even “opposing school bullying” becomes a reason for suppression,
when citizens standing up for victims are arrested and labeled as “rioters,”
we must ask: Is this still a healthy society?
Is this not a regime that is utterly and thoroughly evil?
This is not an isolated incident—it is a reflection of the CCP’s limitless oppression of its people!
It could be a girl in Jiangyou, or it could be any ordinary person speaking out for justice.
A satirical poem captures the sorrow:
The Jiangyou girl knelt on bloody ground,
Demonic claws ravaged while none were around.
The law serves power, not the weak,
Justice from the people is silenced, meek.
Red terror spreads across the land,
If we don’t shout, who’ll make a stand?
This Sunday, we will stand in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles,
to speak for the victim in Jiangyou,
to cry out for every injustice silenced:
✊ The injustice suffered by the Jiangyou girl must not be forgotten!
✊ Zero tolerance for violence—justice must prevail!
✊ The CCP condones gang violence and tramples human rights—reject red terror!
✊ Overthrow tyranny and hold the perpetrators accountable!
Time: Sunday, August 10, 2025, 4:30 PM
Location: Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles
Address: 443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020
Event Conveners: Liao Jun / Wang Zunfu
Event Planning: Liu Guangxian / Zhou Lanying
Event Host: Lü Feng
Organizers:
Hu Yueming 480-653-6918 / Zhong Wen 909-437-2745
Ouyang Bowen 909-567-6152 / Hu Jun 626-318-2875
Zhu Zuzhi 909-441-1737 / Liu Zhili 626-210-9409
Volunteers: Wang Fuqing / Liu Leyuan / Yu Hailong / Wang Biao / Lao Shaohai
Photographers: Ji Luo / Wang Yong
Hosted by:
China Democracy Party National Committee Western U.S. Branch
China Democracy Party National Committee Southern U.S. Branch
