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洛杉矶 2月22日 丁胖子广场两场活动

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洛杉矶 2月22日 丁胖子广场两场活动

一、中国民主党举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”

为揭露历史真相、唤醒公众良知,中国民主党将举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”。本次展览继续以“揭露暴行、了解真相、追求自由”为主题,系统呈现中共百年来对人权、自由与基本价值的持续性、制度性迫害,呼吁社会各界以和平方式推动中共政权转型,实现中国的民主宪政与民选政治。

活动详情

时间:2月22日(周日)14::00—15:00

地点:洛杉矶蒙特利公园市 丁胖子广场

主办单位:中国民主党 蒙市支部

二、茉莉花第778次行动行动

——反对、抗议中共武力威胁台湾

2026年2月22日(周日) 3:00PM

地点: 洛杉矶蒙特利公园 丁胖子广场

台湾人和大陆人同根同种,然中共一再提出武统台湾论,经常针对台湾发动军事演习、军事行动。

若台海发生战争死的都是中华民族儿女。我们每一个人必须要站出来反对中共对台的武力威胁和武统行动。

这不仅是对全世界和平的维护,也是为了让所有中华儿女免受战争的恐惧。

揭露真相 从我做起

中国民主党举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”

为揭露历史真相、唤醒公众良知,中国民主党将举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”。本次展览继续以“揭露暴行、了解真相、追求自由”为主题,系统呈现中共百年来对人权、自由与基本价值的持续性、制度性迫害,呼吁社会各界以和平方式推动中共政权转型,实现中国的民主宪政与民选政治。

活动详情

主持人:程筱筱 毛一炜

摄影摄像:陀先润

负责人:倪世成 卓皓然

地点:洛杉矶蒙特利公园市 丁胖子广场

主办:中国民主党全委会

协办:中国民主党 蒙市支部

洛杉矶 2月22日 《全球觉醒》第六十期

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洛杉矶 2月22日 《全球觉醒》第六十期

《全球覺醒》第六十期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

活動主題:支持美國政府判刑中共代理人

就在近期,美國聯邦法院的一紙判決書,撕開了這個外交機構陰暗的底牌。孫耀寧,這名長期活躍在南加州的所謂「政治活動家」,因充當中共秘密代理人被判處四年監禁。他繞過法律,直接聽命於這棟樓裡的中共官員,成為獨裁政權伸向自由土地的毒爪。

荒誕的諷刺是,中共在國內連一張真實的選票都不敢給民眾,卻在國際上厚顏無恥地利用民主制度的開放性,進行滲透。孫耀寧接受指令,卑劣地干預市議員選舉,試圖操控地方政治;他還利用「華人春晚」等活動大搞統戰宣傳,在公共討論中散布謊言,淹沒真相。他不僅是傳聲筒,更是告密者。他秘密監視、追踪那些被中共視為「威脅」的團體和個人。那些為了躲避暴政而來到美國的受害者,竟然在自由的陽光下,依然感受著背後來自領事館暗處的窺視。

中共利用孫耀寧這類人,試圖在海外建立「恐懼治理」體系。他們害怕真相,更害怕民主的力量。我們要正告這棟樓裡的操盤手:在法治國家,任何影子代理人最終都難逃正義審判。你們收買得了靈魂,卻買不到民心。拆穿滲透陰謀,洛杉磯不歡迎特務!我們將持續揭露代理人,直到正義回歸,直到控制鏈條徹底斷裂。

✊ 我們的口號:

✊守護美國自由,反擊中共滲透!

✊監視民眾是流氓,獨裁政權必滅亡!

✊滲透民主是死路,判刑入獄是歸途!

時間:2026年2月22日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:廖軍/劉廣賢

活動規劃:周蘭英 /孙晔

活動主持:易勇

組織者:

胡月明4806536918 /范强 6268616043

張星8728672257 /李錦華9092207666

黄思博 6262345396 /周曉龍6265977574

活動義工:于海龍 /王彪/劉樂園/ 鐘文/ 陈健/何宇

攝影:Ji Luo /王永

主辦單位:

中國民主黨聯合總部美西黨部

中國民主黨聯合總部美南黨部

自由鐘民主基金會

宗教大法官的传说(一)

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作者:韩立华
编辑:张宇 校对:程筱筱 翻译:彭小梅

《宗教大法官的传说》是陀思妥耶夫斯基《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》中的一章内容,在第五卷第五章。

关于陀思妥耶夫斯基的这最后一部也是最伟大的一部长篇小说,可以说的实在太多。不论是它的篇幅的宏大、内容的丰富,情节和人物关系的复杂,思想的深刻,都可称为陀思妥耶夫斯基一生的集大成之作。

大概二十年前,友人宋承发寄来的第一封信中讲到,每次他和一个朋友相识,会先提一些问题,好像问卷一样。其中一个问题是“你最喜欢的作家和作品是什么?”。我在回信中说,我最喜欢的一部长篇小说就是《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》。

其实,那时候所说的喜欢更多的是惊异于陀思妥耶夫斯基对人的灵魂风景的呈现,对人的表面光洁之下灵魂的污秽,以及那污秽之下对真理和纯洁的渴望的深入挖掘。从陀思妥耶夫斯基我认识到,每个人都是复杂的,一个流浪汉,一个妓女,一个孩子,在陀思妥耶夫斯基那里,都有他(她)的灵魂,都有他(她)的尊严,在生命的某个瞬间都会绽放出他(她)最初被造时的光芒。

陀思妥耶夫斯基和托尔斯泰一样,他们的小说所传递的不仅仅是人物、情节和写作技巧。对他们来说,更重要的是传达自己的思想。无论《战争与和平》还是《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》都能看出这一点。这在一定程度上也是他们成为世界文学两座高峰的原因之一。

陀思妥耶夫斯基的思想也对后来的俄罗斯许多哲学家、思想家,产生了重要影响,包括索洛维约夫,梅列日科夫斯基,布尔加科夫,舍斯托夫,罗扎诺夫,别尔嘉耶夫。

别尔嘉耶夫说:“深读陀思妥耶夫斯基永远是生活中的重大事件,总能引起冲动,因而灵魂得到新的火的洗礼。进入陀思妥耶夫斯基世界的人,就会成为新人,他面前展现出新的存在尺度。”

陀思妥耶夫斯基的后期小说,特别是《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》就呈现出这样的冲击力和存在尺度。

而据陀思妥耶夫斯基在他的笔记中所写,这本书整个是对宗教大法官的传说的回应。

那么《宗教大法官的传说》究竟是在讲什么?为什么它对《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》,对陀思妥耶夫斯基本人如此重要?

《宗教大法官的传说》是小说中伊凡所写的一首长诗。故事的背景发生在一个嘈杂的、乌烟瘴气的小酒馆里。

请注意“小酒馆”这个地方。正如伊凡和阿廖沙对话中所说的:“俄国的年轻小伙子,我指的是他们中间的一部分人,直到如今还在干些什么呢?举例说吧,这里是个肮脏的小酒馆,他们从四面八方聚到这里,躲在一个角落里。……你看他们在议论什么呢?他们不谈别的话题,谈的都是些世界范围的问题:有没有上帝?有没有灵魂不朽?那些不信上帝的,就谈社会主义和无政府主义,谈用新的方式改造全人类,实际上这是一回事,是同一个问题的两个方面。”(下面我们涉及到小说原文所使用的是浙江文艺出版社 徐振亚、冯增义的译本 1996年版)

是的,“有没有上帝,有没有灵魂不朽”,这对当时真正的俄国人来说,是至关重要的问题。

陀思妥耶夫斯基也说过:“上帝折磨了我一生。”

伊凡在小说中作为一个有知识的无神论者,却时时被信仰的问题纠缠。

在和弟弟阿廖沙讨论“有没有上帝”的问题时,伊凡说:“亲爱的,十八世纪有一位有罪的老人曾经说过,假如没有上帝,那就应该把他造出来。而人真的造出了一个上帝。假如上帝确实存在,那倒没什么奇怪,没什么稀奇,稀奇的是这种想法——非有上帝不可的想法——居然能钻进像人这样野蛮而凶恶的动物的脑袋里,而这种想法又是多么神圣,多么动人,多么聪明,给人带来多大的荣誉。”

这里所说的“有罪的老人”指的是法国启蒙思想家伏尔泰。

伊凡在这里没有直接回答到底有没有上帝,而是问:人为什么需要上帝?

他有一个着名的观点:如果上帝不存在,人的一切行为都是允许的。但正如加缪在《西西弗的神话》中所说,当伊凡大声呼喊“一切都是允许的”时候,“并不是要求得到拯救和快乐的喊声,而是一种略带苦味的发现。相信一个赋予生活以意义的上帝,这种信仰的诱惑力大大超过了作恶而不受惩罚的权力。”

至于上帝是否存在,伊凡说,这是他的这个欧几里德式的世俗的头脑所无法解答的。虽然他愿意接受上帝,但是他不愿意接受上帝创造的这个世界。

为什么伊凡不愿接受上帝创造的这个世界?在小说第五卷第四章《叛逆》中伊凡作出了详细的解释。这一章的冲击力之强,甚至使得作为反击的第六卷佐西马长老的回应都看起来力不从心。

下面我们来看伊凡的讲述。

《叛逆》这一章是伊凡对上帝的严厉控诉。其实这也是神学中一个古老的难题:如果上帝存在,那么上帝为什么允许世界上有苦难存在?公义的上帝为什么让无辜的人受难?

伊凡的控诉集中在孩子的痛苦上面,他的理由是:“可以爱近处的孩子,哪怕他们蓬头垢面,外貌丑陋(不过我觉得孩子的面貌从来不会丑陋)。第二,我所以不愿谈成年人,除了他们令人讨厌,不值得爱以外,还因为他们遭到了报应:他们偷吃了禁果,像上帝一样能知道善恶。现在他们还在偷吃禁果。但孩子们什么也没吃过。”

这种聚焦的效果就像斯皮尔伯格导演的《辛德勒的名单》里那个全片黑白背景下的红衣小女孩一样,充满了冲击力。

伊凡详细描述了一桩桩针对孩子的暴行录。

①俄土战争中土耳其人将婴儿逗笑之后当着怀抱他的母亲的面,举起手枪把孩子的脑袋打得粉碎。

②瑞士的一个从小被父母遗弃的私生子,度过了贫苦悲惨的童年,长大后在日内瓦抢劫杀害了一个老人,被判死刑。在监狱里被感化信了主,受了洗。然而这并没有减轻和延缓他的刑罚,他按照原来的审判被砍下了脑袋。

③俄国的一个七岁的小女孩,被她有知识有教养的亲生爸爸用树条抽打,并且越抽越带劲,越抽越兴奋,最后在法庭上父亲被无罪释放。

④俄国的一个五岁小女孩,也有两位有教养的父母。他们不但对小女孩拳打脚踢鞭子抽,还在一个天寒地冻的大冷天,在厕所里把她关了一夜,怪她夜里不叫大小便,把她拉的屎涂到她脸上,还硬逼着她吃屎(这是她母亲做的)。

⑤也是在俄国,农奴制最黑暗的年代,在一个告老还乡的将军家里,他的一个农奴的孩子,八岁的小男孩,不小心打伤了将军一条狗的腿,于是将军就放出他全部的猎狗,将被剥得精光的小男孩撕成了碎片。

我想起在疫情封城期间,我所住小区的一只流浪的小黄狗,平时我经常喂他,它也特别乖巧。后来小狗不见了,是被小区里的人杀掉煮着吃了。

伊凡说:“有时候形容一个人残酷得像‘野兽’,其实这是极不公正的,委屈了野兽。野兽绝不可能像人那么残忍,残忍得那么巧妙,那么精致。”

伊凡认为,人们在感情上无法忍受、在理智上也无法理解的正是世界上存在着这种痛苦和苦难。是的,大人也会遭受痛苦,但他们已经吃过禁果,已经知道善恶,他们所受的苦难是他们犯罪之后的代价。但伊凡不能理解的是,孩子为什么要受这样的苦?他们是无辜的。

伊凡想要报复,并且不是在某个无限遥远的地方和时间,而是在这地上,他能亲眼目睹恶人遭报。就算有未来永恒的和谐,伊凡也不同意用受苦的孩子当作为他人培育未来和谐的肥料。

是的,世上所有的宗教都建立在未来永恒和谐的愿望当中,基督教也是这样。在那个新天新地里,“豺狼必与羊羔同食,狮子必吃草与牛一样;尘土必作蛇的食物。在我圣山的遍处,这一切都不伤人,不害物。这是耶和华说的。”(以赛亚书65:25)

“看哪,神的帐幕在人间。他要与人同住,他们要作他的子民;神要亲自与他们同在,作他们的神。神要擦去他们一切的眼泪,不再有死亡,也不再有悲哀、哭号、疼痛,因为以前的事都过去了。”(启示录21:3-4)

伊凡并非没有读过圣经,他也知道在未来的和谐中一切都将得到解释,那时他会看见那个母亲和那个驱赶猎狗撕碎她儿子的凶手互相拥抱,两人流着泪高呼“主啊,你真英明”。但是现在,伊凡说:“趁着还有时间,我要赶紧独善其身,所以我坚决拒绝最高和谐。这种和谐还抵不上那个受尽折磨、用拳头捶打自己胸脯、在臭气熏天的厕所里向‘上帝爷爷’祈祷的那个女孩的一滴眼泪,抵不上的原因在于她的眼泪是无法抵偿的。……我不要和谐,出于对人类的爱我不希望和谐。我情愿保留未经报复的痛苦,最好还是保留我那未经报复的痛苦和我那未经平抑的愤怒,哪怕我错了也心甘情愿。再说大家对和谐的价值估计得也太高了,我们完全支付不起这张过于昂贵的入场券。所以我要赶紧退还这张入场券,只要我是个诚实的人,那就应该尽快退还。我现在做的就是这件事。我不是不接受上帝,阿廖沙,我只是恭恭敬敬地把入场券还给他。”

伊凡认为孩子的眼泪是无法抵偿的,谁也没有权利去宽恕虐待孩子的凶手,包括孩子的母亲也没有权利。他质问阿廖沙:“假如为了造福人类,为了给他们和平和安宁,你自己正在建造一座人类命运的大厦,但是为了这个目的,不可避免地要残害一个小生命,就是那个用拳头捶打自己胸脯的小女孩,用她未经报复的眼泪作为这座大厦的基石,根据这些条件,你能答应担任这座大厦的建筑师吗?”

阿廖沙跟伊凡一样,不会接受孩子无辜受难的基础上的人类幸福生活。

这里,我们可以看到伊凡的思想中有一些极其宝贵的东西,就是不愿为了一个宏大的理想或目标而牺牲世上哪怕一个弱小的个体。联想中国的强拆和城管对路边摊贩的驱逐,就可以看到他们正是因为无视这一点而心安理得地为所欲为。

到现在为止,这一章几乎是伊凡的独白,这正是陀思妥耶夫斯基的道德勇气。他要让伊凡充分发表自己的观点,也不试图削弱伊凡言论的力量。因为信仰若是真理,它就必须能够经受住情感的冲击和理性的质疑。

其实,上面伊凡所说的,一定程度上也是陀思妥耶夫斯基所要表达的。包括这一系列的虐待儿童的记录,都在他的《作家日记》中提到。还有我们刚才读到的“建造人类命运的大厦”的话,1880年在普希金纪念活动上陀思妥耶夫斯基的演讲中,有几乎一模一样的论述。

演讲的背景是关于普希金的长诗《叶夫根尼·奥涅金》,来自外省的女主人公塔吉扬娜爱上奥涅金,但奥涅金由于骄傲,看不上这个纯朴天真的姑娘。后来,塔吉扬娜嫁给一位年迈的将军,她在彼得堡重逢奥涅金。这一次,奥涅金发现了她的魅力,开始追求她,却被她断然拒绝。用一句网络流行语说就是“当初你对我爱搭不理,现在我让你高攀不起”。当然,塔吉扬娜没有这么世俗,在陀思妥耶夫斯基看来,她的这一拒绝体现了俄罗斯女人的神圣和高尚的品格。因为她知道,抛弃丈夫将会使她的丈夫“蒙受耻辱,这将意味着他的死亡。一个人能够从另一个人的不幸中找到幸福吗?”在这里,陀思妥耶夫斯基用伊凡的口气说:“幸福,在于精神的最高和谐。……请问,如果您自己建立人类命运的大厦,目的是在最后使人幸福,最终给他们以和平和安定。你再想一下,为此必须和不可避免地要残害仅仅是一个人…您会同意在这个条件下成为这座大厦的建筑师吗?”(陀思妥耶夫斯基的这次演讲和他创作《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》是同一时期)

所以,《叛逆》这一章伊凡的控诉,我们也可以理解成陀思妥耶夫斯基的控诉,不同之处是陀思妥耶夫斯基相信上帝创造的这个世界的意义,他也同时准备对伊凡的观点进行反击。

陀思妥耶夫斯基在给编辑的信中,把伊凡的这些观点形容为“当代俄国无政府主义思想的大杂烩。它们不是否定上帝,而是否定上帝创造的世界的意义。社会主义全都肇始于否定历史的现实意义,然后终结于某种毁灭世界的无政府主义纲领”。

陀思妥耶夫斯基说他准备通过小说中佐西马长老的临终遗言来反驳伊凡的观点。那么,长老的遗言是怎样反驳伊凡的观点的呢?

我们知道,伊凡是基于对无辜受难的孩子的爱而要求报复,否则他宁愿毁了自己,宁愿保留那未经报复的痛苦和那未经平抑的愤怒,哪怕错了也心甘情愿。

其实伊凡对孩子的爱,从根本上说也是基督教的“爱他人”思想的体现。正如伊凡在跟阿廖沙谈孩子之前讲到的,人很难爱亲近的人,身边的人,具体的人,只能爱远处的人,抽象的人。那么照伊凡的观点,他对孩子的爱是具体的还是抽象的?抽象的爱不是真正的爱,若是具体的爱,这又是人的本性难以做到的,唯有基督或是通过基督才能做到。所以我们可以得出这样的结论:伊凡因着理性拒绝了上帝所造的这个世界,但在理性之上他仍然践行着基督之爱。就像他说的:“爱生活本身超过爱它的意义。”

佐西马长老劝诫的核心也是爱的普遍性。“因为世界就像一片海洋,一切都是流动的,相通的。你在这儿触动一下,世界的另一端就会作出反应。”

所以他要我们爱上帝创造的一切,既包括整体也包括每一粒沙子。“爱每一片树叶,每一道上帝之光,爱动物,爱植物,爱一切事物。”他再一次提到要爱孩子,“特别要爱孩子,因为他们也没有罪孽,像天使一般,他们的存在就是为了感动我们,净化我们的心灵,给我们以启示,欺负婴孩的人是可悲的。”这一点长老和伊凡和阿廖沙的观点是一致的。

那么怎样对待那些伤害孩子的恶人呢?比如那个放狗撕咬孩子的将军,长老不赞成伊凡和阿廖沙的意见,“枪毙他们”,而是说:“你应该永远作出这样的决定:‘要用温柔的爱去感化他,如果你永远下定了这样的决心,那你就能征服整个世界。’”

长老认为,“我们的天性中有许多最强烈的感情和冲动是我们在人间暂时还不可能真正理解的。……我们的思想和感情的根源不在这里,而在另外一个世界。……上帝从另外的世界取来种子播撒到这个世界上,培育了自己的花园,长出了一切可以生长的东西,但他培育出来的东西全靠与另一个神秘世界具有密切联系的感觉而得以存在,获得生命。如果你内心的这种感情淡薄了或者被扼杀了,那么在你心中成长的一切也将随之消亡。那时候你就会对生活感到冷漠,甚至仇视。”

伊凡主动割裂了自己思想和感情同上帝的联系,以上帝所赐的爱来反对上帝,所以他找不到出路,后来发疯了。

关于无辜的人为何遭受苦难,这在神学上叫“神义论”。基督教并未回避这一问题。在圣经中,有一卷书叫《约伯记》,就是在讲述这一古老的困惑:当人无辜受难时,上帝在哪里?上帝为何让他所爱的人遭受苦难?

佐西马长老在他的讲述中就以感人的语气回忆他八岁时第一次在教堂聆听《约伯记》的场景,其实这是陀思妥耶夫斯基自己童年的经历。

《约伯记》讲述了上帝为了考验自己最忠实的仆人约伯,任由撒但使约伯遭受各种残酷的折磨。

长老说,约伯的故事“伟大之处正在于这里有一个秘密,那就是来去匆匆的凡人形象与永恒真理结合在一起了”。

在长老看来,这个故事的奥秘在于,尽管受尽世间的苦难,约伯仍然宣称他相信上帝。

长老还说,约伯最终将会像爱他失去的孩子一样爱他那些新的孩子。他说这是可能的,可能的,“旧的创伤可以通过人生的沧桑巨变逐渐转化为宁静而感人的欢乐,年轻人沸腾的热血将被老年人的谦和和睿智所取代。”(这里是陀思妥耶夫斯基引用的圣徒吉洪的话)

那么基督教怎样看人无辜受难的问题呢?

就以约伯为例,神若真的存在,他的属性是公义的,赏善罚恶。但约伯并没有犯罪,就像伊凡所讲的那些小孩子一样。圣经说他“完全正直,敬畏上帝,远离恶事”。

约伯并不明白自己为什么会遭受苦难,我们读过《约伯记》也会看到约伯受难不是因为他犯罪了,而是来自上帝与撒但的赌约。至于上帝为什么要这么做,除了考验、证明约伯的信心,也是一个奥秘。但是约伯和前来安慰他的朋友们并不知道天上的赌约,所以整卷书几乎都是约伯和他们的辩论。朋友们认为约伯受苦肯定是因为他犯了罪,而约伯宁死也不认为自己有罪。

最后当上帝向他们开口的时候,上帝并没有解释约伯受苦的原因,也没有为自己的公义辩护,而是申明了自己的大能和主权。于是约伯不再争辩,他认识到神掌管万有并且常常眷顾自己,不会撇下自己不管,于是完全顺服在上帝的面前。他说:“我知道你万事都能作,你的旨意不能拦阻。谁用无知的言语使你的旨意隐藏呢?我所说的是我不明白的;这些事太奇妙是我不知道的。求你听我,我要说话;我问你,求你指示我。我从前风闻有你,现在亲眼看见你。”(约伯记42:2-5)

是的,就像长老所说,“我们思想和感情的根源不在这个世界,而在另一个世界,在于和另一个世界的联系。”我们的良知来自于上帝的良善,我们的理性来自于上帝建立的秩序,我们对他人的爱来自上帝对我们的爱。伊凡虽有良知、理性,虽有对他人特别是对孩子的爱,但他的眼睛只盯在地上,所以他愤怒,他不明白,他拒绝了上帝,拒绝了天堂的永恒和谐,这是一种可贵然而也可怕的态度。这种思想转化到恶的一面就是私生子斯梅尔佳科夫,就是他杀了老卡拉马佐夫。后来的社会主义者包括我们接下来要讨论的宗教大法官,也都跟这种思想有关。用伊凡的一句话总结:如果上帝不存在,人的一切行为都是允许的。

伊凡身上还有对生活的热爱,他在和阿廖沙的谈话中认为“爱生活要超过爱它的意义”,所以他的理论未来某一天还有经过生活洗礼发生改变的可能。此刻,他对于上帝是否存在也并没有一个最终的答案。

所以长老说他“有一颗高尚的心,能‘思考并探索天上的事,因为我们的住所在天上’”。

不得不说,伊凡基于人道的立场对上帝的控诉是有震撼人心的力量的,在我们这个世俗的时代似乎更有了让人无法反驳的力量。阿廖沙赞成伊凡对孩子的爱,但反对伊凡对上帝的指控。所以直到这一章的最后,阿廖沙才开始求助于耶稣基督——“那唯一无罪的人。”“你刚才问:全世界有没有一个能够宽恕而且有权宽恕的人?这样的人是有的,他可以宽恕一切,宽恕所有的人和所有的事,因为他自己为了所有的人和所有的事献出了自己清白无辜的鲜血。你忘记了这个人,大厦正是建筑在他身上的,人们正在向他呼喊:‘主啊,你真英明,因为你指引的道路畅通了!’”

The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor (I)— Why Do the Innocent Suffer?

Author: Han LihuaEditor: Zhang Yu Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Peng Xiaomei

Abstract:Drawing on Ivan’s accusation of innocent suffering in Rebellion, the author affirms Ivan’s moral courage in refusing to sacrifice the individual for the sake of harmony. At the same time, he notes that through Zosima and Christ’s love, Dostoevsky proposes forgiveness and faith as responses to suffering, warning against self-destruction born of rage.

“The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor” is a chapter in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov, found in Book V, Chapter 5.

About this final—and greatest—novel of Dostoevsky, there is almost too much to say. Its vast scale, richness of content, complexity of plot and relationships, and depth of thought together make it the culmination of his life’s work.

About twenty years ago, a friend named Song Chengfa mentioned in his first letter to me that whenever he met someone new, he would ask a set of questions, like a questionnaire. One of them was: “Who is your favorite writer and what is your favorite work?” In my reply, I said that my favorite novel was The Brothers Karamazov.

At the time, what I called “love” was more a sense of astonishment at Dostoevsky’s portrayal of the landscape of the human soul—his excavation of the filth beneath the polished surface, and beneath that filth, the longing for truth and purity. From Dostoevsky I learned that every person is complex. A vagabond, a prostitute, a child—all possess a soul and dignity. At some moment in life, each may radiate the light they bore at creation.

Like Tolstoy, Dostoevsky was not concerned merely with character, plot, or technique. What mattered most to him was the communication of thought. This is evident in both War and Peace and The Brothers Karamazov, and it is one reason they stand as twin peaks of world literature.

Dostoevsky’s ideas profoundly influenced later Russian philosophers and thinkers, including Solovyov, Merezhkovsky, Bulgakov, Shestov, Rozanov, and Berdyaev.

Berdyaev wrote:

“To read Dostoevsky deeply is always a major event in life. It provokes a shock; the soul receives a new baptism by fire. Whoever enters Dostoevsky’s world becomes a new person; before him unfolds a new dimension of existence.”

Dostoevsky’s later novels, especially The Brothers Karamazov, indeed possess such force and scale.

According to Dostoevsky’s notes, the entire book is, in a sense, a response to “The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor.”

So what exactly does this legend say? Why is it so central—to the novel and to Dostoevsky himself?

The Tavern and the Question of God

“The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor” is a long poem written by Ivan within the novel. The story unfolds in a noisy, smoke-filled tavern.

Note this setting: a tavern. As Ivan says in conversation with Alyosha:

“Russian young men, at least some of them, gather in such filthy taverns. They crowd into corners… And what do they discuss? Not trivialities. They discuss questions of world importance: Is there a God? Is the soul immortal? Those who do not believe in God talk about socialism and anarchism, about remaking all humanity in a new way. In essence, it is the same question from two sides.”

“Is there a God? Is the soul immortal?”—for serious Russians of that era, these were urgent questions.

Dostoevsky himself once said, “God has tormented me all my life.”

Ivan, an educated atheist in the novel, is perpetually haunted by the problem of faith. He once remarked:

“If God did not exist, it would be necessary to invent Him.”

But Ivan’s concern is deeper. He famously declares:

“If God does not exist, everything is permitted.”

Yet as Albert Camus later observed, Ivan’s cry that “everything is permitted” is not a joyful proclamation but a bitter discovery. The temptation of believing in a God who gives meaning to life outweighs the power to commit evil without punishment.

Ivan does not deny the possible existence of God outright. Rather, he questions why humans need God. He claims his “Euclidean” mind cannot solve the question of God’s existence. Even if he accepts God, he refuses to accept the world God created.

Rebellion: The Accusation

In Book V, Chapter 4—“Rebellion”—Ivan explains why. This chapter is so powerful that even Zosima’s later response seems insufficient by comparison.

Ivan launches a fierce indictment:

If God exists, why does He allow suffering? Why do the innocent suffer?

Ivan focuses on the suffering of children. Adults, he argues, may have eaten the forbidden fruit and thus bear responsibility. But children are innocent.

He recounts horrifying cases:

During the Russo-Turkish war, Turkish soldiers amuse a baby before shooting it before its mother.

A Swiss man, abandoned as a child, grows up in misery, commits murder, repents in prison, is baptized—and still executed.

A Russian father savagely beats his seven-year-old daughter; he is later acquitted.

Parents imprison and abuse a five-year-old girl in freezing conditions.

A general unleashes hounds to tear apart an eight-year-old serf boy.

Ivan insists: no future harmony can justify a single child’s tears.

He declares:

“I don’t want harmony. Out of love for mankind, I refuse it. I prefer to remain with my unavenged suffering and my unappeased indignation—even if I am wrong.”

He returns his “ticket” to God. He does not reject God outright; he respectfully returns the ticket to a world built upon innocent suffering.

This moral refusal—to sacrifice even one innocent life for a grand ideal—is profoundly noble. It echoes in modern contexts wherever individuals are sacrificed in the name of progress or order.

Dostoevsky allows Ivan’s voice full strength. Faith, if true, must endure emotional shock and rational scrutiny.

Zosima’s Response: Love and Connection

Through Elder Zosima, Dostoevsky offers a response.

Zosima teaches universal love:

“The world is like an ocean; touch it in one place, and the other end responds.”

Love everything God created—every leaf, every ray of light, every child.

When confronted with evil, Zosima does not advocate vengeance. He counsels gentle love capable of transforming the world.

He insists that the roots of our thoughts and feelings lie not here but in another world. When we sever that connection, we become cold, even hostile to life.

Ivan, in cutting off his faith, loses balance. His rebellion becomes self-destructive.

The Problem of Theodicy

The theological question of innocent suffering—“theodicy”—is ancient. The Book of Job wrestles with it directly.

Job suffers despite being righteous. God does not explain why. Instead, He reveals His sovereignty.

Job responds:

“I had heard of You by the hearing of the ear, but now my eye sees You.” (Job 42:5)

For Dostoevsky, meaning lies in trust beyond human understanding.

Ivan’s rebellion is noble yet dangerous. His love for children reflects Christ’s love, yet he rejects the source of that love.

At the end of the chapter, Alyosha appeals to Christ:

“Is there in the whole world a being who could forgive? There is. He who gave His innocent blood for all.”

The building of harmony rests not on the suffering of children, but on Christ’s self-sacrifice.

Ivan’s protest remains powerful in our secular age. But Dostoevsky’s answer is that love and forgiveness—not rage—are the path beyond suffering.

The struggle between rebellion and faith remains unresolved in Ivan. Yet perhaps that unresolved tension is precisely why this legend continues to speak to us today.

台湾的未来只属于台湾人民

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作者:马群 编辑:程伟 翻译:彭小梅

近年来,台海局势持续紧张。军事演训不断升级,“武力统一”的言论时常出现,战争不再只是政治讨论中的抽象概念,而逐渐成为现实社会中的焦虑来源。在这样的背景下,一个最根本的问题越来越清晰:台湾的未来,究竟应该由谁决定?我的答案很简单——应该由台湾人民自己决定。

这不仅是政治立场的问题,更是一个关于现代文明基本原则的问题。人民自决,是当今国际社会普遍认可的价值。一个社会的制度、前途与政治安排,应当建立在当地民众的意愿之上,而不是通过军事威胁或强制手段加以改变。事实上,台湾已经形成了完整而稳定的社会体系。它拥有成熟的民主制度、独立的选举机制、活跃的公民社会与开放的公共空间。2300万台湾民众,通过自己的选择,塑造了今天的台湾。这一现实,无论政治立场如何,都不应被忽视。更重要的是,现实经验已经反复证明:军事压力不会拉近两岸距离,反而会加深彼此的疏离。军机绕台、导弹威胁与战争言论,并没有削弱台湾社会的本土认同,反而强化了其安全焦虑与身份意识。换句话说,武力威胁的结果,并不是“统一更近”,而是心理距离更远。

从现实角度看,战争本身也是一个极其危险且不可控的选择。现代战争不仅意味着军事对抗,更意味着经济制裁、供应链中断、社会震荡与地区安全格局的剧烈变化。在全球高度互联的今天,一场台海冲突的代价,将远远超出任何政治目标所能承受的范围。而在军事体系仍处于持续整顿与调整的背景下,任何高强度冲突的风险都将被进一步放大。战争从来不是政治姿态,而是国家治理能力、社会承受能力与战略判断的极限考验。

台湾的未来只属于台湾人民

然而,比地缘政治与战略分析更让我触动的,是一次非常普通的个人经历。前不久,在教会里,我与一位来自台湾的阿姨谈起台海局势。她关心的,并不是政治立场,也不是谁对谁错,而是远在台湾的家人是否安全。她反复的说:“如果真的发生战争,我的兄弟姐妹怎么办?普通老百姓怎么办?”

那一刻我意识到,“武统”这两个字,在现实生活中意味着什么——意味着一个个家庭的恐惧与不安。聊到后来,她对我说了一句话,让我久久难以忘记:“中国已经那么大了,为什么还一定要我们台湾?我们的台湾,远没有你们福建大。”这句话里没有愤怒,只有不解与无奈。她并不想对抗谁,她只是希望家人能够平安生活,希望自己的家园不要成为战争的前线,不要成为政治博弈的筹码。

在谈话中,我内心产生了一种深深的负罪感。作为一个来自中国的人,当面对她的担忧时,我感到一种难以言说的愧疚。感觉自己就是强盗,去窃取人家的一切。那一刻,我心里只有一个简单的想法,对不起这些无辜的台湾家庭,对不起那些只是想过平静生活的普通人民。

政治可以有分歧,历史可以有争议,但普通人的安全与尊严,不应该成为任何宏大叙事中的代价。任何政治目标,如果是以让普通民众长期生活在战争阴影之下为代价,在道义上都是难以成立的。

台海真正的稳定,不是来自威胁与对抗,而只能来自尊重与克制。真正持久的关系,不可能建立在强制之上,而必须建立在自愿与信任之上。支持台湾的自主与安全,并不是为了制造对立,而是基于一个最基本的现实判断:和平的前提,是尊重人民的选择。在这个问题上,立场或许不同,但有一点应该成为共识——没有任何政治目标,值得用普通人的生命与恐惧去交换。

如果有一天,台湾的普通家庭不再为战争而担忧,如果台海的未来不再建立在威胁与军演之上,那才是真正的和平开始。台湾的未来,必须由台湾人民自主选择,由台湾人民自主决定,由台湾人民自主守护。任何试图剥夺他们选择权的行为,都是对正义与自由的挑战。真正的尊重,不是口头承诺,而是让人民掌握自己家园的命运。台湾是台湾人民的台湾,我支持台湾人民自主自决!

Taiwan’s Future Belongs Only to the People of Taiwan

Abstract:Not long ago, at church, I spoke with an elderly woman from Taiwan about the situation across the Taiwan Strait. What concerned her was not political positions, nor who was right or wrong, but whether her family back in Taiwan would be safe. She repeatedly said, “If war really breaks out, what will happen to my brothers and sisters? What about ordinary people?”

Author: Ma Qun Editor: Cheng Wei Translator: Peng Xiaomei

In recent years, tensions across the Taiwan Strait have continued to escalate. Military exercises have intensified, and rhetoric about “unification by force” appears from time to time. War is no longer merely an abstract concept in political debate; it is gradually becoming a source of anxiety in real life. In this context, a fundamental question becomes increasingly clear: Who should determine Taiwan’s future? My answer is simple—Taiwan’s future should be decided by the people of Taiwan themselves.

This is not merely a matter of political stance; it is a question about the basic principles of modern civilization. The right of self-determination is a value widely recognized in today’s international community. A society’s system, future, and political arrangements should be based on the will of its people, not altered through military threats or coercive means. In fact, Taiwan has already developed a complete and stable social system. It possesses a mature democratic framework, an independent electoral mechanism, an active civil society, and an open public sphere. The 23 million people of Taiwan, through their own choices, have shaped the Taiwan of today. This reality, regardless of political position, should not be ignored. More importantly, experience has repeatedly shown that military pressure does not bring the two sides of the Strait closer; rather, it deepens their estrangement. Warplane incursions, missile threats, and rhetoric about conflict have not weakened Taiwan’s local identity. On the contrary, they have strengthened its security concerns and sense of distinct identity. In other words, the result of military intimidation is not “closer unification,” but greater psychological distance.

From a practical perspective, war itself is an extremely dangerous and uncontrollable choice. Modern warfare does not mean only military confrontation; it also means economic sanctions, supply chain disruptions, social instability, and dramatic changes in regional security structures. In today’s highly interconnected world, the cost of a conflict across the Taiwan Strait would far exceed what any political objective could justify. Moreover, amid ongoing adjustments and restructuring within the military system, the risks of any high-intensity conflict would be further amplified. War is never merely a political gesture; it is the ultimate test of a nation’s governance capacity, social resilience, and strategic judgment.

Yet beyond geopolitical analysis and strategic considerations, what moved me most was a very ordinary personal experience. Not long ago, at church, I spoke with an elderly woman from Taiwan about cross-strait tensions. What concerned her was not political positions or debates over right and wrong, but whether her family in Taiwan would be safe. She kept repeating: “If war really breaks out, what will happen to my brothers and sisters? What about ordinary people?”

At that moment, I realized what the words “unification by force” mean in real life—they mean fear and anxiety in countless families. Later in our conversation, she said something I will never forget: “China is already so big. Why must you still want our Taiwan? Our Taiwan isn’t even as large as your Fujian.” There was no anger in her words—only confusion and helplessness. She did not want to confront anyone. She simply hoped her family could live in peace. She hoped her homeland would not become the front line of war, nor a bargaining chip in political games.

During that conversation, I felt a deep sense of guilt. As someone from China, facing her worries, I felt an indescribable shame—as if I were a thief trying to take away what belonged to her. In that moment, I had only one simple thought: I am sorry to these innocent Taiwanese families. I am sorry to those ordinary people who only wish to live peaceful lives.

Politics may contain disagreements; history may contain disputes. But the safety and dignity of ordinary people should never become the price of grand narratives. Any political objective that requires ordinary citizens to live under the shadow of war is morally untenable.

True stability across the Taiwan Strait cannot come from threats or confrontation; it can only arise from respect and restraint. A truly lasting relationship cannot be built on coercion—it must be founded on voluntariness and trust. Supporting Taiwan’s autonomy and security is not about creating division; it is based on a simple and realistic judgment: peace requires respect for the people’s choice. On this issue, positions may differ, but one principle should be shared—no political objective is worth exchanging for the lives and fear of ordinary people.

If one day ordinary Taiwanese families no longer have to worry about war, if the future of the Taiwan Strait is no longer built on threats and military exercises, that will mark the true beginning of peace. Taiwan’s future must be chosen by the people of Taiwan themselves, decided by the people of Taiwan themselves, and safeguarded by the people of Taiwan themselves. Any attempt to deprive them of their right to choose is a challenge to justice and freedom. True respect is not a verbal promise; it is allowing people to hold the destiny of their homeland in their own hands. Taiwan belongs to the people of Taiwan. I support the people of Taiwan in exercising their right to self-determination.

酷吏:康生

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作者:钟然

编辑:钟然   翻译:周敏

酷吏:康生

康生(1898-1975),山东诸城人,中共早期领导人之一,曾任中央政治局常委、中央书记处书记,是中共秘密警察体系、意识形态审查机制和党内政治清洗制度的关键奠基者之一。他在毛泽东时期长期掌控情报、保卫与意识形态领域,被普遍视为中共历史上最具破坏性的幕后权力人物之一。

康生早年加入中共,20世纪30年代长期在苏联活动,深受斯大林体制及其秘密警察体系影响。回国后,他在延安时期主持中央社会部,负责情报、保卫与肃反工作,逐步确立了以“政治审查”“思想清洗”和“组织纯洁性”为核心的整肃模式。这一时期,他通过逼供、互相揭发和无限扩大化的“特务”认定,制造了大量冤假错案,为中共党内恐怖政治奠定了制度基础。

1942年至1945年的延安整风运动,是康生权力全面显现的起点。在其主导下,“抢救失足者”“审干”等运动演变为系统性的政治迫害,大批干部、知识分子被指控为“叛徒”“特务”“托派”,身心遭受严重摧残。许多在文革中再度被整肃的人,其最早的“政治原罪”正源于康生在延安时期建立的档案与定性。毛泽东不仅纵容这一做法,且将其视为巩固个人权威的重要工具。

建政初期,康生一度淡出公开权力核心,但并未真正失势。他长期掌握意识形态审查、历史定性和档案系统,与江青等人保持密切关系。随着毛泽东对党内“修正主义”的警惕加剧,康生逐渐重新被倚重,成为文革前期重要的理论与政治准备者。他炮制的现代版文字狱《刘志丹》案牵连的受害者达六万多人,其中六千多人被迫害致死。《刘志丹》案被视为文化大革命的先声。

文化大革命期间,康生是中央文革小组的核心成员之一,虽不以公开形象示人,却在定性、定罪和路线斗争中发挥决定性作用。1968年获得了中共首要情报机关中共中央调查部的领导权,制造了大量的冤案,成为在党内斗争中令人畏惧的刽子手。他以“考据”“史学”“理论斗争”为手段,提出并推广“影射史学”“反党学术权威”等罪名,将学术分歧和历史研究转化为政治罪行,为大规模迫害知识分子和高级干部提供了“合法性”包装。最终在严肃历史研究与回忆资料统计中文革期间被迫害致死的知识分子超过30万人!

在重大政治案件中,康生直接或间接参与了对刘少奇、彭德怀、贺龙、陶铸等党和国家领导人的打击,并系统性地操控调查结论与证据来源。大量所谓“历史材料”与“特务证据”事后被证明存在伪造、篡改或恶意拼接的问题,但在当时却成为决定个人生死的重要依据。

与街头暴力的红卫兵不同,康生的作用体现在制度层面。他将迫害流程化、审查技术化,使政治清洗不再依赖情绪动员,而是通过组织程序和意识形态话语持续运转。他所塑造的模式,使国家权力能够以“理论正确”“路线斗争”的名义,长期、稳定地实施打压。

1975年,康生病逝,终其一生未被追责。文革结束后,中共在内部文件中承认康生是“文革中最严重的罪犯之一”,但并未对其进行公开清算,也未系统纠正其制造的大量冤案。他的责任被有限度地承认,却被刻意从制度根源中剥离。

官方讣告仍将其描述为“党的重要领导人”,而在历史评价中,康生更多被视为中共极权运作的典型样本。他将秘密警察逻辑、意识形态垄断与个人崇拜结合,使政治迫害成为一种可复制、可延续的治理方式。

康生不仅是毛泽东时代的重要权力人物,更是中共政治清洗机制的制度设计者之一。他所建立的整肃模式,对此后中国政治文化和权力运作产生了深远影响,其阴影远未随着个人死亡而消散。

The Grand Inquisitor: Kang Sheng

Author: Zhong Ran

Editor: Zhong Ran   Translator: Zhou Min

酷吏:康生

Kang Sheng (1898–1975), a native of Zhucheng, Shandong, was a titan of the early CCP leadership. As a member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo and the Secretariat, he stood as a primary architect of the CCP’s secret police apparatus, its ideological censorship mechanisms, and the institutionalized system of internal political purges. Throughout the Mao era, Kang wielded absolute control over intelligence, security, and the ideological sphere, earning a reputation as one of the most destructive “shadow players” in the history of the People’s Republic.

In the 1930s, Kang spent years in the Soviet Union, where he was deeply indoctrinated into the Stalinist terror apparatus. Upon his return, he headed the Central Social Department in Yan’an, overseeing intelligence and “counter-suppression” efforts. It was here that he codified a purge model predicated on “political vetting,” “ideological cleansing,” and “organizational purity.” By weaponizing forced confessions, mutual denunciations, and the elastic definition of “enemy agents,” Kang manufactured a wave of wrongful convictions that laid the institutional foundation for the party’s politics of terror.

The Yan’an Rectification Movement (1942–1945) marked the total ascendance of Kang’s power. Under his aegis, campaigns like the “Rescue of Lapsed Cadres” devolved into systematic persecution. Intellectuals and officials were branded as “traitors,” “spies,” or “Trotskyites,” suffering profound physical and psychological trauma. For many who would be purged again decades later during the Cultural Revolution, their “original political sins” were meticulously filed in the dossiers Kang created in Yan’an. Mao Zedong did not merely tolerate these methods; he embraced them as indispensable tools for consolidating his absolute authority.

Though he briefly receded from the public spotlight in the early years of the PRC, Kang never lost his grip on power. He remained the gatekeeper of ideological orthodoxy and the arbiter of historical characterization. As Mao grew increasingly paranoid regarding “revisionism,” Kang returned to the vanguard as a chief theoretician of the Cultural Revolution. His fabrication of the Liu Zhidan case—a modern-day “literary inquisition”—implicated over 60,000 people, resulting in more than 6,000 deaths. This case served as the dark overture to the decade of chaos that followed.

During the Cultural Revolution, as a core member of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, Kang operated from the shadows to dictate the fate of his rivals. In 1968, he assumed control of the Central Investigation Department, the CCP’s premier intelligence agency, where he became a dreaded “executioner” of intra-party struggles. By weaponizing “allusive historiography,” he transformed academic debate into capital treason, providing a “legal” veneer for the wholesale persecution of the intelligentsia. Historical research and memoir data now suggest that the number of intellectuals persecuted to death during this era exceeded 300,000.

Kang was instrumental in the downfall of top state leaders, including Liu Shaoqi, Peng Dehuai, He Long, and Tao Zhu. He systematically manipulated evidence and forged “historical dossiers” that determined life and death. Unlike the street-level brutality of the Red Guards, Kang’s influence was structural. He proceduralized persecution and technicalized censorship, ensuring that political cleansing did not rely on fleeting emotional fervor, but on a self-sustaining bureaucratic machine.

Kang Sheng died in 1975, escaping accountability in his lifetime. While post-Mao internal documents labeled him “one of the most heinous criminals of the Cultural Revolution,” there was never a public reckoning or a systemic reversal of his fabricated cases. His culpability was acknowledged only in isolation, deliberately severed from the institutional roots of the party-state.

Even today, official obituaries cautiously describe him as an “important party leader.” However, in the eyes of history, Kang Sheng remains the quintessential specimen of totalitarian governance. By fusing secret police logic with ideological monopoly and the cult of personality, he transformed political persecution into a replicable and enduring mode of rule. He was not just a powerful figure of the Mao era; he was the engineer of a mechanism of fear whose shadow continues to haunt Chinese political culture long after his death.

声援邹巍:在高压之下坚守信念的公民

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作者:杨长兵

编辑:李晶   校对:程筱筱   翻译:吕峰

在当今中国的现实环境中,坚持独立思考与公民责任,往往需要付出沉重的个人代价。邹巍,这位来自浙江杭州的普通公民,正是在这样的压力之下,长期坚守民主与人权理念,用自己的行动诠释了一个公民的良知与担当。

邹巍出生于1960年,浙江省杭州市人,是中国民主党浙江组织的重要成员之一。多年来,他始终坚持自由、民主与人权的基本价值,积极参与地方民主活动与公民倡议。在当局长期打压民间组织和独立政治力量的环境下,邹巍依然以中国民主党成员的身份开展宣传与联络工作,推动公民社会理念的传播。

2023年11月20日,南京异议人士孙林在家中疑似遭警方殴打致死的消息引发社会关注。邹巍出于对生命权与程序正义的关切,公开举牌表达关注,并参与相关公开信的联署活动。随后,杭州市拱墅区警方对其实施行政拘留,其本人及家人住处也遭到搜查。这一事件标志着针对他的打压进一步升级。

2024年3月17日,在纪念新冠疫情吹哨人李文亮医生逝世四周年之际,邹巍再次举牌表达悼念与呼吁。

声援邹巍:在高压之下坚守信念的公民

2024年7月13日,在诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波逝世七周年之际,邹巍与友人前往浙江海宁海边举行纪念海祭活动,并将相关照片发布到网络,以表达对这位和平倡议者的缅怀与敬意。然而,这一和平纪念行动随后被当局认定为涉嫌违法。邹巍被警方以涉嫌“寻衅滋事罪”刑事拘留,并于同年8月29日被正式批准逮捕。2025年7月,该案已被检察机关提起公诉。

目前,邹巍被羁押在杭州市拱墅区看守所,案件仍在等待进一步审理之中。长时间的羁押不仅影响其个人自由,也给其家庭带来了巨大的精神与生活压力。

事实上,邹巍之所以在各地民主人士中受到尊重,不仅因为他的公开行动,更因为他长期以来对他人的帮助与支持。多年来,他积极联络各地朋友,为遭遇困境的中国民主党成员发起募捐,关注被打压群体的生活状况,并尽力为他们及其家庭提供帮助。在高压环境之下,这种互助精神尤为难能可贵。

邹巍的遭遇,再次反映出当前公民表达空间的现实处境。当和平纪念、理性表达与人道关怀都可能被视为风险行为时,社会的公共空间无疑正在不断收缩。一个健康而稳定的社会,应当能够容纳不同声音,而不是将理性表达者推向对立面。

今天,我们声援邹巍,不仅是关注一位公民的个人命运,更是对基本权利与法治原则的呼吁。表达意见、参与公共讨论、以和平方式纪念历史人物,本应属于公民的正当权利,不应成为长期羁押与刑事指控的理由。

我们呼吁中共要依法保障邹巍的合法权益,确保其案件得到公正、公开的审理,并充分保障其人身权利与基本尊严。同时,也呼吁社会各界持续关注此案的发展,以理性与和平的方式表达关切。

在现实的沉重压力面前,个体的声音或许微弱,但正是这些微弱而坚定的声音,构成了社会良知的基础。我们声援邹巍,因为我们相信,一个尊重公民权利、允许理性表达的社会,才是国家真正的稳定之源,也是所有人共同期待的未来。长江黄河之水不会倒流,历史的潮流不可阻挡!我们会继续坚持发声,直到邹巍自由真正到来!

In Solidarity with Zou Wei: A Citizen Upholding Conviction Under Pressure

Author: Yang Changbing

Editor: Li Jing   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Lyu Feng

Abstract:This article focuses on Zou Wei, a member of the China Democracy Party, who has continued to advocate modern liberty and civil rights under conditions of intense political pressure within China.

In today’s social and political climate in China, maintaining independent thought and fulfilling civic responsibility often comes at a heavy personal cost. Zou Wei, an ordinary citizen from Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, has for many years persisted in upholding the principles of democracy and human rights under sustained pressure, embodying through his actions the conscience and responsibility of a citizen.

Born in 1960 in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, Zou Wei is an important member of the Zhejiang organization of the China Democracy Party. Over the years, he has consistently advocated the fundamental values of freedom, democracy, and human rights, and has actively participated in local democratic activities and civic initiatives. Despite the long-term suppression of grassroots organizations and independent political forces, Zou has continued to conduct outreach and advocacy work as a member of the China Democracy Party, promoting the principles of civil society.

On November 20, 2023, news that Nanjing dissident Sun Lin had allegedly been beaten to death by police in his home drew public attention. Out of concern for the right to life and procedural justice, Zou Wei publicly held signs to express concern and participated in signing open letters related to the incident. Subsequently, police in Gongshu District, Hangzhou, placed him under administrative detention, and both his residence and his family’s home were searched. This marked a further escalation in the pressure directed against him.

On March 17, 2024, on the fourth anniversary of the passing of Dr. Li Wenliang, the whistleblower during the COVID-19 outbreak, Zou Wei once again held signs to express mourning and to call for reflection and accountability.

声援邹巍:在高压之下坚守信念的公民

On July 13, 2024, marking the seventh anniversary of the passing of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, Zou Wei and several friends traveled to the seaside in Haining, Zhejiang Province, to hold a memorial sea ceremony. They later posted related photographs online to express remembrance and respect for the advocate of peace. However, this peaceful commemorative act was subsequently deemed by the authorities to be suspected of illegality. Zou Wei was criminally detained by police on suspicion of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” and on August 29 of the same year, his arrest was formally approved. In July 2025, the case was transferred to the procuratorate for public prosecution.

At present, Zou Wei is being held at the Gongshu District Detention Center in Hangzhou, and the case is still awaiting further trial proceedings. His prolonged detention has not only restricted his personal freedom but has also placed tremendous psychological and financial pressure on his family.

In fact, Zou Wei is respected among democracy advocates not only for his public actions, but also for his longstanding support for others. Over the years, he has actively maintained contact with friends across different regions, initiated fundraising efforts for members of the China Democracy Party facing hardship, paid close attention to the living conditions of those under pressure, and done his best to assist them and their families. In a high-pressure environment, such mutual aid and solidarity are especially rare and valuable.

Zou Wei’s experience once again reflects the current realities surrounding civic expression. When peaceful commemoration, rational expression, and humanitarian concern can all be regarded as risky behavior, the public space of society is undoubtedly shrinking. A healthy and stable society should be able to accommodate diverse voices rather than push those who speak rationally into confrontation.

Today, expressing solidarity with Zou Wei is not only about concern for the fate of one individual, but also a call to uphold fundamental rights and the principles of the rule of law. Expressing opinions, participating in public discussion, and peacefully commemorating historical figures should be recognized as legitimate civic rights, not grounds for prolonged detention or criminal charges.

We call upon the Chinese authorities to safeguard Zou Wei’s lawful rights in accordance with the law, to ensure that his case receives a fair and open trial, and to fully protect his personal rights and basic dignity. We also urge all sectors of society to continue paying attention to the development of this case and to express concern in a rational and peaceful manner.

In the face of heavy real-world pressures, an individual voice may seem small. Yet it is precisely these small but steadfast voices that form the foundation of social conscience. We stand in solidarity with Zou Wei because we believe that a society that respects citizens’ rights and allows rational expression is the true source of national stability and the future to which all people aspire. The waters of the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers do not flow backward, and the tide of history cannot be stopped. We will continue to speak out until Zou Wei’s freedom is fully restored.

参加「守护孩子生命追问校园真相」活动有感

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作者:卢超

编辑:周志刚   校对:程筱筱   翻译:吕峰

权贵在谈“长生不老”,百姓在丢“血肉至亲”

就在不久前,一段视频在网上疯传,让无数国人心惊肉跳。在克里姆林宫和中南海的密谈中,普京和习近平竟然聊起了“器官移植可以让人类永生”的话题。习近平甚至信心满满地预测,人类寿命将很快突破150岁。

这听起来像是科幻小说,但在当下的中国,这更像是一个恐怖预告。

如果权力者想要活到150岁,如果他们认为只要有源源不断的器官就能实现“永生”,那么这些“新鲜零件”从哪里来?总不可能是从天上掉下来的。当我们把这段对话,和国内校园里接二连三发生的失踪案连在一起看时,那种毛骨悚然的真相就浮现了:权贵们的“长生梦”,就是建立在普通人家孩子的“夺命符”之上的。

参加「守护孩子生命追问校园真相」活动有感

校园里的“黑色陷阱”

就在今年1月,河南新蔡那个13岁男孩在学校宿舍离奇死亡。最让家属心碎和愤怒的是,家长还没赶到,救护车竟然就急着把尸体拉走。要不是孩子的姑父拼死拦在校门口,这具小小的身体恐怕早就进了焚尸炉,或者更可怕——被悄悄送上了手术台。

这绝不是孤例。从胡鑫宇到今天的朱同学,每一个在学校这个理应最安全的地方失踪、死亡的孩子,背后都有一双看不见的黑手。为什么现在的孩子进学校要采集血样?为什么失踪的孩子往往精准匹配了某位病重权贵的需求?当“器官捐献”被冠以“国有”的名义,当医疗系统变成了收割机,学校就不再是象牙塔,而成了权贵们的“供体养殖场”。

拒绝“国有器官”,就是拒绝被当成耗材

现在国内网络上发起了“拒绝器官移植”的活动,这是百姓走投无路后的集体自保。在正常国家,器官捐献是生命延续的赞歌;但在中共治下,这却成了一场官方组织的“人身收割”。

所谓的“国有器官”,本质上就是把人的身体资源化、公有化。如果你的肝脏、肾脏甚至是眼角膜,在官僚系统的档案里标好了价格,那么你在他们眼里就不再是一个有尊严的人,而是一个随时可以报废并提取零件的“耗材”。

中共近年来大力推广器官移植产业,甚至将其作为“一带一路”的医疗出口项目。这种带血的GDP,每一分钱都粘着普通家庭的泪水。他们宣称志愿者人数激增,但现实中,那些失踪人口的家属却连一个真相都求不到。这种极度的不透明和权力对生命的蔑视,正是“活摘器官”这一反人类罪行能够持续存在的土壤。

我们的呐喊,是为了不让悲剧继续

我也是一个孩子的父亲,深知如果中共得知我孩子的器官血型被匹配将会发生什么。我站在这呐喊的不仅仅是抨击那个邪恶的体制,更是为了告诉国内的父母们:你们并不孤单。

每一个失踪的孩子都是我们的孩子,每一个被强摘的器官都是对整个人类的暴行。我们要撕碎独裁者“150岁”的幻梦,因为那个梦是拿无数年轻生命铺就的。我们要求调查校园失踪的真相,我们要求废除剥削生命的器官政策。

只要我们还有一口气在,就绝不让他们的长生梦,在我们的血泪中实现!

Reflections on Participating in the “Safeguard Children’s Lives, Demand the Truth About Campuses” Event

Author: Lu Chao

Editor: Zhou Zhigang   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Lyu Feng

Abstract:The Chinese Communist Party is depriving children of their right to life in order to realize an alleged “immortality” plan for those in power. We must firmly prevent such a plan from succeeding.

While those in power speak of “eternal life,” ordinary families are losing their flesh and blood.

Not long ago, a video circulated widely online, sending shockwaves through many viewers. In what was described as a private conversation between the Kremlin and Zhongnanhai, Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping were said to have discussed the idea that organ transplantation could enable human beings to achieve longevity or even “immortality.” Xi Jinping was even portrayed as confidently predicting that human life expectancy could soon surpass 150 years.

This may sound like the plot of a science fiction novel, but in today’s China, it is presented as something far more ominous.

If those in power truly aspire to live to 150 years old, and if they believe that a continuous supply of organs could make “immortality” possible, then where would these “fresh parts” come from? They would not simply fall from the sky. When this alleged conversation is viewed alongside the series of campus disappearances reported domestically, a chilling interpretation emerges: that the “dream of longevity” for the powerful is built upon the loss and suffering of ordinary families’ children.

参加「守护孩子生命追问校园真相」活动有感

The “Dark Trap” on Campus

This January, in Xincai County, Henan Province, a 13-year-old boy died under mysterious circumstances in his school dormitory. What devastated and enraged his family most was that, before the parents had even arrived, an ambulance reportedly hurried to remove the body. Had the boy’s uncle not physically blocked the school gate, that small body might already have been sent to the crematorium—or, as some fear, even more disturbingly, quietly transferred to an operating table.

According to the author, this is not an isolated case. From Hu Xinyu to the recent case of a student surnamed Zhu, every child who has gone missing or died in a place that should be the safest—the school—raises grave suspicions. The article questions why blood samples are collected from students, and why some missing children are allegedly “matched” to critically ill individuals in positions of power. It argues that when “organ donation” is framed as a matter of state ownership, and when the medical system is portrayed as functioning like a harvesting machine, schools cease to be sanctuaries of learning and are instead depicted as “breeding grounds” for organ supply.

Rejecting “State-Owned Organs” Means Refusing to Be Treated as Disposable

The author notes that online campaigns calling for the rejection of organ transplantation have emerged domestically, describing them as acts of collective self-protection by ordinary people who feel they have no other recourse. In a normal society, organ donation is seen as a life-affirming act; however, the article claims that under the current political system it has become an officially organized system of bodily exploitation.

The concept of so-called “state-owned organs,” the author argues, amounts to turning the human body into a public resource. If one’s liver, kidneys, or even corneas are catalogued and priced within a bureaucratic system, then in that system’s eyes a person is no longer an individual with dignity, but a set of spare parts that can be extracted when needed.

The article further asserts that organ transplantation has in recent years been vigorously promoted as an industry, even described as a medical export component of the “Belt and Road” initiative. It characterizes this as a form of “blood-stained GDP,” alleging that behind official claims of rising volunteer donor numbers lie families of missing persons who are unable to obtain clear answers. According to the author, a lack of transparency and the concentration of power over life-and-death decisions create the conditions in which alleged forced organ harvesting could persist.

Our Outcry Is to Prevent Further Tragedy

Writing as a father, the author expresses fear over what might happen if a child’s blood type were allegedly matched within such a system. He states that his protest is not only an indictment of what he describes as an unjust political structure, but also a message to parents inside the country that they are not alone.

Every missing child, he argues, represents a shared loss; every allegedly forcibly taken organ, an assault on humanity. The article calls for dismantling what it describes as a dictator’s “150-year dream,” claiming it is built upon countless young lives. It demands investigation into campus disappearances and the abolition of policies that, in the author’s view, exploit human life.

As long as we still draw breath, we will never allow their dream of immortality to be realized through our blood and tears.

因言获罪:我为何被迫离开中国

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作者:魏晓鸣

编辑:李晶   校对:程筱筱   翻译:周敏

我并不是一个天生热衷政治的人。很长一段时间里,我只希望过好自己的生活,努力工作,照顾家庭,对国家和政治保持一种“少说少错”的态度。直到后来,我才明白,在中国,有些话不是“敏感”,而是被禁止思考;有些价值不是“争议”,而是被系统性否定。

我第一次真正、持续地关注美国,是从2024年开始的。那一年,我的妻子和孩子前往美国旅游。在与他们的通话和交流中,我第一次从一个极其具体、生活化的角度感受到这个国家的不同。

他们讲到的并不是宏大的政治,而是一些很普通却在中国并不“普通”的细节:公开场合可以自由表达意见,不必担心因一句话惹来麻烦;不同族裔、不同背景的人共同生活,没有被强制要求统一思想;对个人权利的尊重,是一种日常而自然的存在,而不是口号。

正是从这些真实、细碎的生活体验出发,我开始进一步了解美国的制度和价值。我逐渐意识到,美国之所以被称为自由、民主、包容、尊重人权的国家,并不是因为它没有问题,而是因为它允许问题被讨论,允许权力被质疑,个人不因观点不同而受到惩罚。

我曾在私下和公开场合表达过这样的看法:一个国家如果不允许公民讨论制度、批评执政党,那么它的“稳定”只是一种恐惧下的沉默;一个把政党等同于国家、把反对等同于犯罪的政权,本质上是独裁的。正是这些看法,给我带来了麻烦。

在中国,反对中共并不需要组织、行动或煽动。你只需要说出“中共不是中国”“权力需要制约”“言论自由是基本人权”,就被视为危险人物。我逐渐感受到来自环境的压力:谈话被打断、被警告、被“提醒注意立场”。那种无形却持续的压迫,让人清楚地知道——这里不欢迎独立思考的人。我开始意识到一个残酷的现实:在中国,你并不需要做错什么,只要你想得太多、说得太直,就已经站在风险之中。

中共所维护的并不是人民的利益,而是自身的统治安全。它害怕自由讨论,因为自由会暴露谎言;它打压异议,因为真相会削弱权威。所谓的“稳定”,建立在监控、审查和恐惧之上;所谓的“爱国”,往往被简化为对政党的无条件服从。

当我发现继续留在中国,意味着要么沉默、要么自我否定、要么随时承担不可预知的后果时,我知道,我已经没有真正的选择。

来到美国,并不是因为这里没有问题,而是因为这里允许你承认问题、讨论问题、反对问题。在这里,说政府不等于犯罪,反对执政党不等于背叛国家,个人不需要把一生交给某个不可质疑的权力。

我离开中国,不是因为我憎恨中国这片土地,而是因为我拒绝把一生交给一个不允许我说真话的政权。如果一个国家需要用恐惧来维持忠诚,那它害怕的不是敌人,而是真相本身。

Convicted by Word: Why I Was Forced to Flee China

Author: Wei Xiaoming

Editor: Li Jing   Proofreader:Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Zhou Min

I was never a man naturally drawn to politics. For a long time, my only aspiration was to lead a quiet life—to work hard, cherish my family, and adhere to the cautious maxim of “the less said, the fewer the mistakes” regarding the state. It took years to realize that in China, certain topics are not merely “sensitive”; they are forbidden from thought. Certain values are not merely “disputed”; they are systematically negated.

My profound and sustained focus on the United States began in 2024, the year my wife and children traveled there. Through our conversations, I began to perceive the essence of that country—not through grand political theories, but through the visceral, mundane details of their daily life.

They didn’t speak of lofty ideologies, but of things that are hauntingly “extraordinary” by Chinese standards: the freedom to voice an opinion in public without the shadow of consequence; a mosaic of ethnicities and backgrounds coexisting without the mandate of ideological uniformity; and a respect for individual rights that felt like breathing—natural and uncoerced—rather than a hollow slogan.

Driven by these lived experiences, I began to scrutinize the American system. I realized that the U.S. is heralded as a bastion of liberty and human rights not because it is flawless, but because it permits its flaws to be debated. It allows power to be interrogated, and it ensures that an individual is not criminalized for the “sin” of a dissenting opinion.

I have expressed these views both privately and publicly: that any nation which forbids its citizens from debating its systems or criticizing its rulers possesses a “stability” that is nothing more than the silence of the grave. A regime that equates a political party with the nation, and dissent with treason, is, by definition, a dictatorship. It was this conviction that marked me.

In China, one does not need an organization or a manifesto to “oppose” the CCP. It is enough to simply state that “the Party is not the Country,” “power must be checked,” or “free speech is an inalienable right.” Such thoughts make you a “dangerous element.” Soon, the walls began to close in: conversations were abruptly cut off, warnings were issued, and I was repeatedly told to “watch my stance.” That invisible, suffocating pressure makes one truth agonizingly clear: independent thinkers are persona non grata here. I awoke to a cruel reality: in China, you don’t have to commit a crime to be in danger; you only have to think too deeply and speak too clearly.

The CCP does not safeguard the interests of the people; it safeguards its own survival. It fears free discourse because freedom dismantles lies; it crushes dissent because truth erodes coerced authority. Its so-called “stability” is a fortress built on surveillance and fear; its “patriotism” is reduced to blind, unconditional fealty to the Party.

When I realized that remaining in China meant choosing between permanent silence, self-betrayal, or the constant threat of state retribution, I knew I had no choice at all.

I came to America not because it is a utopia, but because it is a place where one can acknowledge, discuss, and oppose the problems at hand. Here, criticizing the government is not a felony, opposing the ruling party is not an act of betrayal, and one’s life does not belong to an unquestionable power.

I did not leave China because I hate my homeland. I left because I refuse to surrender my life to a regime that forbids the truth. If a state requires fear to command loyalty, then it is not afraid of enemies—it is terrified of the truth itself.

悼念力虹

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作者:朱虞夫
编辑:李聪玲   校对:程筱筱   翻译:戈冰

力虹走了。山河肃穆,神人同悲,江海鸣喑,大地缟素。

力虹走了,中华顿失英才。我们再也看不到你那刺暴刺孽的健笔奋飞;我们再也听不到你那嬉笑怒骂的口才横溢。剑指邪恶,怜悯贫弱,你那无法掩饰的激情何等可贵:歌颂光明,向往民主,你那烈火一般的追求何等强烈。“一寸自由一寸血”,你身体力行:凭你的才华,你可以“精英”、可以“小资”、可以“中产”,但是,你选择了一条荆棘之路;凭你的努力,你可以“攀升”、可以“高就”、可以“权贵”,但是,你选择了一个追梦之旅。鸣呼力虹!舍家抛雏,你匹马冲阵,民族以君为脊梁,捐一腔之热血,消堂堂中国空无人之讥:身陷黑狱,仍不屈不挠,恶警视你成畏途,以一己之被害,除茫茫神州皆铜臭之诮。

呜呼力虹,“我在西湖畔,君羁临平山”,你写给我的手泽犹存,如今竟天人永隔。手奉宝函,感慨万千,字里行间你那乐观的情绪溢于言表。追忆当年,我虽然身羁二监,却知道你在青春监狱医院身受严酷迫害,当局并不提供对你的任何治疗,当严正学转来那里,你幸遇知己而与之倾谈,感到莫大愉悦时,当局立即将你们隔离。可是他们无法改变你的心境,虽然你看不到西湖,但你的心里装着西湖之美,而且比西湖更美上千万倍。虽然他们剥夺了你与亲友的交往,但是你的精神世界依然丰富而踏实,你在深心依然与大家不断地神交。狱友转告我,你并不在意自己的臭皮囊而宁愿活在历史中,于是我知道,你已经选择了不朽。我知道,你的心境是平和的,平静如爱琴海的波底;你的心境是澄澈的,澄澈如海天一色。

你的家人无法接受这样的现状:一个好端端的人被抓走了,居然在非人对待的看守所仅仅二个多月就被折腾罹患了如此不治的绝症。你柔弱善良的夫人每个月面对病情不断加重的你,忧心如焚。于是她一次又一次地向当局申请为你办理保外就医,可是每次都是石沉大海。她不知道的是,当局何等的怕你,他们怕你的嘴会说,他们怕你的手会写,他们怕你的人格感召力会唤醒越来越多的人的良知,他们决意要将你的肉体虐杀。

呜呼力虹,当你奄奄一息时,监狱将你丢给你的家人,你在重症监护室走完了人生的最后阶段。那天我去看你,你骨瘦如柴,气若游丝。我俯身向你,轻轻地说:“力虹,我是朱虞夫,我来看看你。”你无神的眼睛顿时闪烁光彩,你使劲地点点头—虽然只是微弱的动作,我看到了你对战友的深情厚谊。哦,力虹,为了把宝贵的探视时间留给你的夫人和姐姐,我匆匆地走开了,可是我一直站在你的附近,看着你,看着你的家人忙碌地为你擦身、按摩、换衣,我满噙热泪:我知道,你的来日不多,我赶快偷偷地拍了几张照片作为永久的纪念。

呜呼力虹,此刻,正如你在诗作《大地》中所说的,你在“感受土壤中的气息,聆听大地深处春天迅猛来临的呼啸”。我们与你同感。此刻,我面对你的遗像,胸臆充满勃郁之气:你那能洞穿灵魂的明眸在诉说你的期待,期待我们继承你的未竟之业;你那紧抿的嘴唇在递送着你的坚毅,告诉我们民主之路仍充满艰辛。你是自信的,坚信民主中国一定会来到;你是乐观的,相信这一天已经不会太远。今天,我们在你面前审视我们自己,面对你的勤奋,我们做的还远远不够;面对你的付出,我们有什么不能舍弃?力虹,你的精神不死,你的道德感召力依然存在,我们会在你的精神激励下更加团结,更加努力,以告慰你,告慰林昭、遇罗克,告慰一切为中国的民主事业捐躯的先烈。力虹,你安息吧!

哀哉力虹,壮哉力虹。

生为豪杰,死为鬼雄。

磨而不磷,泰岳高耸。

椽笔如刀,世人赞颂。

华夏壮丽,赖有诸公。

我辈谨记,圭臬是奉。

春天不远,岂畏严冬。

千秋万代,气贯长虹!

2011年元月7日(力虹头七)

In Memory of Lihong

Abstract: Zhu Yufu mourns Mr. Lihong’s life and spirit, recalls his unyielding and martyrdom in prison, praises his democratic ideals and personality, and inspires future generations to inherit his unfinished aspirations.

Author: Zhu Yufu
Editor: Li Congling   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao

Lihong has left us. The mountains and rivers are solemn, the gods and men are sad, the rivers and seas are silent, and the earth is white.

With Lihong’s departure, China has lost a great talent. We will never see your sharp and vigorous pen fly again; we will never hear your eloquence of laughter and anger again. The sword points to evil, pity the poor and weak, how precious is your undisguised passion: singing the light, longing for democracy, how strong is your fiery pursuit. “One inch of freedom, one inch of blood,” you practiced: with your talent, you could be “elite,” “petty bourgeois,” or “middle class,” but you chose a thorny path; with your efforts, you could “climb up,” “rise high,” and “be powerful,” but you chose a journey to pursue your dreams. Hail Lihong! You left your home and your family, and you rode into battle. The nation took you as its backbone, and you donated your blood to dispel the reproach of China. You were imprisoned in a black prison, but you were still unyielding. The evil police saw you as a deterrent, and you were killed for your own sake, and you were rid of the stench of copper in the vast land of China.

Alas, Li Hong, “I am on the shore of the West Lake, you are imprisoned in Linping Mountain.” The handwriting you wrote to me still remains, but now we are forever separated. I received your precious letter, and your optimism overflowed between the lines. Recalling that year, although I was in prison, I knew that you were severely persecuted in the Youth Prison Hospital. The authorities did not provide any treatment for you. When Yan Zhengxue was transferred there, you were fortunate to meet and talk to him. When you felt great joy, the authorities immediately isolated you. But they could not change your state of mind. Although you could not see the West Lake, your heart was filled with the beauty of the West Lake, and it was ten million times more beautiful than the West Lake. Although they deprived you of your family and friends, your spiritual world is still rich and solid, and you are still in deep communion with everyone. My fellow prisoners told me that you don’t care about your own skin and would rather live in history, so I know that you have chosen immortality. I know that your heart is peaceful, as calm as the bottom of the Aegean Sea; your heart is clear, as clear as the sea and the sky.

Your family cannot accept this situation: a good person was arrested and tortured in an inhuman detention center for just over two months, suffering from such an incurable disease. Your gentle and kind wife is worried about you every month as your condition continues to worsen. So she applied to the authorities again and again to arrange for you to be released on medical parole, but every time it was like a stone sinking into the sea. What she did not know was that the authorities were afraid of you. They were afraid that your mouth would speak, they were afraid that your hand would write, they were afraid that your personality would awaken the conscience of more and more people, and they were determined to torture and kill your body.

Alas, Lihong, when you were dying, the prison threw you to your family, and you finished the last stage of your life in the intensive care unit. I went to see you that day. You were as thin as a rake, and your breath was like a thread. I leaned over to you and said softly, “Lihong, I am Zhu Yufu, I came to see you.”Your lifeless eyes suddenly flashed with brilliance, and you nodded vigorously — although it was only a weak movement, I saw your deep affection for your comrades. Oh, Lihong, in order to leave the precious visiting time to your wife and sister, I hurriedly walked away, but I kept standing near you, watching you, watching your family busy wiping you, massaging you, changing your clothes. I was full of tears: I knew that you did not have many days left, so I quickly and secretly took a few photos as a permanent memory.

Alas, Lihong, at this moment, as you said in the poem “Earth”, you are “feeling the breath in the soil, listening to the roar of the rapid arrival of spring in the depths of the earth.” We feel the same way. At this moment, I face your portrait, my chest full of vigor: your soul-piercing eyes speak of your expectations, looking forward to our inheritance of your unfinished business; your tight lips are delivering your perseverance, telling us that the road to democracy is still full of hardships. You were confident, firmly believing that a democratic China would come; you were optimistic, believing that this day would not be too far away. Today, we examine ourselves before you. In the face of your diligence, we have done far less than we should; in the face of your sacrifice, what can we not give up? Lihong, your spirit is not dead, your moral appeal still exists. We will be more united and work harder under your spiritual inspiration to comfort you, to comfort Lin Zhao, Yu Luoke, and to comfort all the martyrs who sacrificed their lives for the cause of democracy in China. Li Hong, rest in peace!

Alas, Li Hong, how magnificent you were.

Live as a champion among men, die as a lord among spirits.

Though tempered, their luster never fades, standing as lofty as Mount Tai.

Their mighty pens cut like blades, earning the praise of all.

China’s splendor endures because of such men.

We hold fast to their example as our compass.

With spring drawing near, why should we dread the winter cold?

Through endless ages,his spirit spans the heavens in glory.

January 7, 2011 (the first seventh day after Lihong’s departure from this world)

纪念李文亮,追问责任与真相

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————中国民主党第776次茉莉花行动

作者:杨长兵

编辑:程伟  校对:程筱筱  翻译:戈冰

2026年2月8日,中国民主党第776次茉莉花行动在洛杉矶中国领事馆前举行,纪念武汉医生李文亮,呼吁追问疫情初期的信息封锁责任,守护真相与公众知情权。

本次活动发起人及组织者包括:杨长兵、张宇、毛一炜、曾群兰、马群、赵叶、牟宗强。活动现场,参与者佩戴口罩,上面写有“纪念李文亮”、“追责中共”、“让真相发声”等字样,手持黄色菊花表达对李文亮的哀思。

活动开始主持人张晓丽、张宇介绍了李文亮医生的的事迹,并全体默哀一分钟,表达哀悼。在疫情初期,李文亮基于专业判断,提醒同行注意一种可能具有传染性的未知肺炎,希望大家加强防护。这本是一名医生最基本的职责,是对生命负责的体现。然而,这样的专业提醒却被认定为“造谣”。他被训诫、被要求噤声。在本应重视专业意见、及时预警的关键时刻,真实的声音却被压制。不久之后,疫情迅速扩散,局势失控。李文亮也在一线工作中感染病毒,2020年2月7日最终不幸离世,年仅34岁。

李文亮的遭遇,不仅是一位医生的个人悲剧,更暴露出一个严峻的问题:在公共危机面前,当局优先考虑的是信息控制,而不是风险公开;优先维护表面的稳定,而不是保障公众的安全。

回顾疫情初期的情况可以看到:专业警示被压制,关键信息发布迟缓,疫情真实情况未能及时向社会和世界公开。这种掩盖与拖延,错失了防控的宝贵时机,也为疫情的全面失控埋下隐患。随后,新冠疫情演变为全球性灾难,造成巨大的生命损失与深远的社会冲击。这场灾难不仅是病毒带来的危机,更是信息封锁与制度失责所造成的人祸。

一个负责任的政府,应当在风险出现时第一时间公开信息,尊重专业判断,保障公众的知情权。而对疫情的隐瞒与压制,不仅伤害了本国民众,也给世界带来了沉重代价。对于疫情初期的信息管控与隐瞒行为,必须进行严肃反思与责任追究。如果没有问责,类似的悲剧就可能再次发生。

李文亮曾说:“一个健康的社会,不应该只有一种声音。”今天纪念他,不只是缅怀一位勇敢的医生,更是在守护一条最基本的底线——在关系生命安全的问题上,真实不能被压制,警示不能被惩罚,责任不能被掩盖。

纪念李文亮,是为了记住这场灾难的教训;守护真相,是为了避免下一次悲剧的重演。愿说真话的人不再被惩罚,愿生命付出的代价,能够推动真正的改变。

In Memory of Li Wenliang, Questioning Responsibility and Truth

————The 776th Jasmine Operation of the Chinese Democratic Party

Abstract: Li Wenliang, based on professional judgment, reminded his colleagues to pay attention to an unknown pneumonia that may be contagious, hoping that everyone would strengthen their protection. ​Soon after, the epidemic spread rapidly and the situation got out of control. ​Li Wenliang was also infected with the virus while working on the front line, and unfortunately died on February 7, 2020, at the age of 34.

​Author: Yang Changbing

Editor: Cheng Wei Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Ge Bing

On February 8, 2026, the 776th Jasmine Operation of the Chinese Democratic Party was held in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles to commemorate Wuhan doctor Li Wenliang, calling for accountability for the information blockade in the early days of the epidemic, and to safeguard the truth and the public’s right to know.

The sponsors and organizers of this event include: Yang Changbing, Zhang Yu, Mao Yiwei, Zeng Qunlan, Ma Qun, Zhao Ye, and Mou Zongqiang. ​At the event, participants wore masks with the words “Remember Li Wenliang”, “Hold the CCP accountable”, and “Let the truth be heard” written on them, and held yellow chrysanthemums to express their condolences to Li Wenliang.

At the beginning of the event, the hosts Zhang Xiaoli and Zhang Yu introduced the deeds of Dr. Li Wenliang, and everyone observed a minute of silence to express their condolences. ​In the early days of the epidemic, Li Wenliang, based on his professional judgment, reminded his colleagues to pay attention to an unknown pneumonia that might be contagious, hoping that everyone would strengthen their protection. ​This is the most basic duty of a doctor, and is the embodiment of responsibility for life. ​However, such professional reminders were deemed to be “rumors.” ​He was reprimanded and asked to be silent. ​At a critical moment when professional opinions and timely warnings should be valued, the real voice was suppressed. ​Soon after, the epidemic spread rapidly and the situation spiraled out of control. ​Li Wenliang was also infected with the virus while working on the front line, and unfortunately died on February 7, 2020, at the age of 34.

​Li Wenliang’s experience is not only a personal tragedy for a doctor, but also exposes a serious problem: in the face of a public crisis, the authorities prioritize information control over risk disclosure; they prioritize maintaining superficial stability over ensuring public safety.

​Looking back at the situation at the beginning of the epidemic, we can see that professional warnings were suppressed, the release of key information was slow, and the true situation of the epidemic was not disclosed to the society and the world in a timely manner. ​This cover-up and delay missed a valuable opportunity for prevention and control, and also buried the hidden dangers for the complete loss of control of the epidemic. ​Subsequently, the COVID-19 pandemic evolved into a global disaster, causing huge loss of life and far-reaching social impacts. ​This disaster is not only a crisis brought about by the virus, but also a man-made disaster caused by information blockades and institutional failures.

​A responsible government should disclose information as soon as risks arise, respect professional judgment, and protect the public’s right to information. ​The concealment and suppression of the epidemic not only harmed the people of the country, but also brought a heavy cost to the world. ​Serious reflection and accountability must be carried out for the information control and concealment in the early stages of the epidemic. ​Without accountability, similar tragedies could happen again.

Li Wenliang once said: “A healthy society should not have only one voice.”Today, we commemorate him not only to remember a brave doctor, but also to safeguard the most basic bottom line – in matters of life safety, the truth cannot be suppressed, warnings cannot be punished, and responsibility cannot be covered up.

​Commemorating Li Wenliang is to remember the lessons of this disaster; safeguarding the truth is to avoid the next tragedy. ​May those who tell the truth no longer be punished, and may the price of life be able to promote real change.