作者：张致君

编辑：韩立华   责任编辑：刘芳   校对：程筱筱   翻译：彭小梅

随着东南亚电信诈骗对国际世界的影响，全球民主国家在2025年10月期间陆续对犯罪行为采取行动，而被东南亚人口贩卖与酷刑困扰最严重的中国，却丝毫没有行动。

陈志（又名 Vincent）及其控制的 Prince Holding Group 已被美国财政部制裁。美国财政部于 2025 年10 月14日 发布公告，称这是“有史以来针对东南亚诈骗园区最大规模行动，将陈志及其集团列为跨国犯罪组织，并同时联合英国采取制裁措施。同日，美国司法部于纽约东区联邦法院公开了一份对陈志的起诉／起诉状，指控他犯有电汇诈骗共谋（wire fraud conspiracy）和洗钱共谋（money-laundering conspiracy），公告中还提到，美国当局同时提出了一项民事没收诉讼（civil forfeiture complaint），标的约为 127,271 枚 比特币，估值约数十亿美元，这与陈志涉嫌诈骗和洗钱有关。

2025年10月24日，《Nation Thailand》报道说，缅军在KK园区区域的诈骗建筑群内开始爆破，强烈爆炸声在泰国边境城镇米索（Mae Sot）也能听到；浓烟从园区升起，并有 1 000 多名外国人因而从缅甸逃入泰国。多家媒体也陆续报道：缅军于10月20日左右，在KK园区拘捕约2 000人、查扣约30台 “Starlink” 卫星终端设备、并检视超过260栋“未登记建筑”。

在此背景下，一名来自KK园区被困受害者秘密联系到记者，希望能够通过曝光给上万赢得国际广泛关注，进而能真正营救到这些受难者。因被访者还深陷在诈骗园区，随时有生命危险，本次采访均使用化名，受采访人透露自己被困在苏奇督儿子管辖的区域，记者查找其公开资料发现，这位在DKBA军事部门及其政治管理部门中最具权势的决策者在2017年就开始与佘智江领导的亚太国际控股集团合作，参与由中国引导的“一带一路”，开发了“亚太新城”等项目，“亚太新城”也被多家媒体曝光是全球最大的诈骗园区。而佘智江本人据多方爆料是与中共国安有密切关系。从这千丝万缕的关系中看，中共似乎与东南亚诈骗犯罪的关系昭然若揭。这也就更加可以解释，为何在其他国家营救本国公民，而中方这么多年却迟迟未做有效救援，而诈骗行为越发在中国境内升级，失踪人口逐步增加。

受困者佳乐是一名1993年出生的女生，在网上看到高新招聘广告，从中国坐飞机到泰国曼谷机场后就被绑架至缅甸。

记者：你现在被困哪里？

佳乐:2025年10月22日刚刚被缅甸军方用军车从KK园区转移到4号码头的通达园区。

记者：多少人受困，都是哪些国家的人？

佳乐：超过1万人。现在我能听到外面在打仗的声音。目前这个园区比我刚来的时候又多了2倍人，全是KK园区转运过来的。受困人基本都是中国人，非常少的来自非洲印度和新加坡。

记者：有新闻说KK园区已经被缅甸军方打击，有千人已经从KK园区逃到了泰国，你没有任何机会逃跑吗？

佳乐：那些能去泰国的大部分是自愿去KK上班的，里面甚至有老板亲戚朋友。真正被绑架的受害者被军方转移，我现在被转移的通达园区就在扩建接受更多的受害者。外界觉得缅甸军方扫荡，其实就是走个过场，一切和原来没有任何变化。

佳乐给记者说起自己在诈骗园区的经历，中国虽然一直在宣传“反诈“，但是真的碰到了以后防不胜防，自己也是鬼迷心窍被海外高新职业所诱惑，联系她的人只说是“送货”，没想到自己才是被盯上的“货物”。佳乐在园区里面要被强迫工作19个小时，从当地时间的下午3点一直要到第二天的早上9点，完不成“新增业绩”任务轻则就要被体罚500个上下蛙跳，业绩不好还会关到“兵站”，如果骗不到人（没有开单）就会受到电棍毒打和虐待。园区的管理全部都是中国人，有人尝试逃跑抓回来就把腿打断。佳乐的胳膊就因为不想骗人被打断了，7个月了也不能医治，落下终身残疾，她也想尝试自杀，但是连机会都找不到，园区的窗户全都被封着，一旦发现有轻生地念头就会派人24小时盯着。

“我被关在小黑屋里，两个男的对我进行殴打。没有办法逃跑，想死都死不了。也根本不能联系外界求助，绝望。“佳乐说园区门口都有缅甸军方看守大门。有侥幸跑出去的，一路上也有军方

记者：你被绑架过去，有尝试联系家人吗？

佳乐：有，园区和家人谈赔付赎人，要21万，家里怕是无底洞，也拿不出这么多钱，他们在中国报警了，中国警方没有任何消息给他们。

佳乐给记者说，她被关过后放出来就住在8人间里，条件恶劣，每天被洗脑，园区的人教她如何打字，学习“美股加密“学习”如何骗人“。

“生不如死，能不能救救我们，求求你们。“

佳乐给记者发来一些照片，但是嘱咐记者不能曝光。

“是会死人的，如果他们知道我在对外联络，我会死的。“

在采访佳乐的时候，她最经常说的就是“救救我“，记者可以体会到她想活下去，想逃离魔窟的紧迫心情。当陈志被通缉，KK园区被曝光在国际新闻下，被困在诈骗园区的人似乎看到了一线希望。

只是这个希望能否最终照耀在她们身上呢？

记者在采访后翻阅资料和新闻，看到园区黑幕，一阵阵寒意袭来。

最新消息，韩国外交部于 2025 年10月15日针对柬埔寨部分高风险地区发出旅行警示，要求韩国公民撤离或避免前往这些地区，原因是这些地区“就业骗局／诈骗园区绑架与拘禁韩国人案件急剧上升”。 韩国警方通过与柬埔寨当局配合，安排包机将被困／拘留的韩国公民从柬埔寨遣返。比如，10月18日有 64 名韩国人从柬埔寨回国，随后多数被法院发出拘捕令调查其是否参与诈骗。韩国与柬埔寨政府于 2025 年10月底达成协议，将成立“柬埔寨-韩国联合打击诈骗犯罪专案部队”，以提高两国在在线诈骗、跨境就业骗局等领域的合作。

而受困的中国人，什么时候才能等到这份希望呢？

Special Feature – Trapped in the Myanmar Scam Compounds: A Victim’s Plea and Global Pursuit Under U.S. Sanctions

Abstract:This article exposes the worsening humanitarian crisis inside Southeast Asia’s scam compounds, which came under sweeping U.S. sanctions in October 2025. Despite being the country most severely affected—its citizens trafficked, tortured, and held for ransom—China has taken virtually no meaningful action to rescue its nationals. The investigation further reveals the deep and complex ties between Chinese authorities and major scam operators in the region, suggesting that Beijing is far from innocent. Through the testimony of a young woman trapped inside Myanmar’s KK compound, this report documents forced labor, torture, and the systematic abuse of thousands, and highlights the urgent need for international intervention.

Author: Zhang Zhijun

Editor: Han Lihua   Managing Editor: Liu Fang   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Xiaomei Peng

As Southeast Asian telecom fraud continues to impact the international community, democratic nations around the world have acted throughout October 2025. Yet ironically, China—whose citizens are the primary victims of trafficking and torture in these scam compounds—has done almost nothing.

Chen Zhi (also known as Vincent), along with his conglomerate Prince Holding Group, has been sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury Department. On October 14, 2025, the Treasury issued a statement calling it “the largest action ever taken against scam compounds in Southeast Asia,” designating Chen Zhi and his organization as a transnational criminal group. The United States and the United Kingdom also jointly imposed sanctions. The same day, the U.S. Department of Justice announced criminal indictments at the Eastern District of New York, charging Chen with wire fraud conspiracy and money-laundering conspiracy. U.S. authorities simultaneously filed a civil forfeiture complaint seeking the seizure of approximately 127,271 bitcoins, valued at several billion U.S. dollars—assets believed to be tied to large-scale scams and laundering operations.

On October 24, 2025, Nation Thailand reported that the Myanmar military had begun demolishing buildings inside the KK Park scam zone. Explosions were so intense they could be heard from Mae Sot on the Thai border. Thick smoke rose above the compound as more than 1,000 foreigners fled into Thailand. Other reports stated that on or around October 20, Myanmar forces detained around 2,000 people, seized 30 Starlink terminals, and inspected over 260 unregistered buildings.

Amid this chaotic backdrop, a female victim still trapped inside the KK scam zone secretly contacted the reporter. She hoped that public exposure would help her and thousands of others gain international attention—and perhaps a real chance of rescue. Due to the extreme danger she faces, all names used in this interview are pseudonyms. The victim said she is currently held in an area controlled by the son of Saw Chit Thu, a powerful figure in the DKBA military and political hierarchy. Public records show that since 2017, Saw Chit Thu has partnered with Asia Pacific International Holdings, led by She Zhijiang, to develop “Asia Pacific New City” under China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Multiple media outlets have since revealed this “new city” as the world’s largest fraud compound. She Zhijiang himself has long been rumored to maintain close ties with Chinese state security. The tangled relationships suggest that Beijing is far from uninvolved in the flourishing of Southeast Asian scam syndicates. This also explains why—while other countries have launched rescue operations for their nationals—China has done nothing substantial, even as disappearances and trafficking cases surge inside China.

Jiale, born in 1993, told the reporter that she was lured abroad by what appeared to be a high-paying overseas job advertisement. After arriving at Bangkok International Airport, she was kidnapped and trafficked into Myanmar.

Reporter: Where are you being held now?Jiale: On October 22, 2025, Myanmar soldiers moved us from KK Park to Tongda Zone at Pier No. 4.

Reporter: How many people are trapped? From which countries?Jiale: Over ten thousand. I can hear fighting outside every day. This compound has doubled in size since I arrived. Most people are from China—only a few from Africa, India, or Singapore.

Reporter: Media reports say many have escaped from KK into Thailand. Why can’t you escape?Jiale: Most people who “escaped” were not kidnapped victims—they were employees who came voluntarily, some even relatives of the bosses. The real victims are being transferred deeper inside Myanmar by the military. Tongda Park is expanding to absorb more trafficked people. The outside world thinks the military is cracking down, but it’s just for show. Everything remains the same.

Jiale described her experiences inside the scam compound. Despite China’s constant “anti-fraud propaganda,” she said, ordinary people still fall victim because the system itself is corrupt. She was forced to work 19 hours a day, from 3 p.m. to 9 a.m. If she failed to meet her “new target numbers,” she would be punished with 500 squat jumps, beaten with batons, or locked in the “military station” for torture. If she failed to scam victims, she would be electrocuted, beaten, or deprived of food. The compound’s management is entirely Chinese. Anyone who attempts to escape has their legs broken. Jiale herself had her arm broken for refusing to deceive others; seven months later, she still has not received medical treatment and may face lifelong disability. She has considered suicide, but there is no opportunity. All windows are sealed, and anyone showing signs of despair is placed under 24-hour surveillance.

“I was locked in a dark room where two men beat me. I can’t escape. I can’t even die. There’s no way to contact the outside world. It’s absolute despair. “The compound is guarded by Myanmar soldiers. Even those who make it out are often caught by soldiers patrolling the roads.

Reporter: Did you try to contact your family?Jiale: Yes. The compound demanded a ransom of 210,000 RMB from my family. My family couldn’t afford it and feared it was a bottomless pit. They reported to police in China but never received any response.

Jiale said she currently lives in an 8-person room with extremely harsh conditions. They are brainwashed daily and taught how to type, how to talk, how to scam people with “U.S. stocks and crypto,” and how to manipulate victims emotionally.

“This is worse than death. Please… please save us.”—Jiale

She sent a few photos to the reporter but pleaded that they are not made public:

“If they find out I spoke to the outside world, I will die.”

Throughout the interview, she repeatedly begged for help. As international sanctions and criminal charges escalate, the victims trapped inside see a sliver of hope. But whether this hope will ever reach them remains uncertain.

After speaking with Jiale, the reporter reviewed public records and media articles, uncovering horrifying details of the scam zones.

On October 15, 2025, South Korea issued travel warnings for high-risk areas of Cambodia due to the sharp rise in kidnappings linked to employment scams.The Korean police coordinated with Cambodian authorities and arranged repatriation flights:on October 18, 64 Koreans were flown back to Seoul, and many are now under investigation to determine whether they were participants or victims. South Korea and Cambodia agreed to establish a Joint Task Force Against Scam Crimes by late October 2025, to strengthen cooperation in combating online scams and transnational trafficking.

Yet amid international actions, the Chinese victims—who make up the overwhelming majority—remain abandoned.When will Chinese citizens receive the same hope of rescue?

张致君

我一直觉得，我们这个国家的现实像一块咸鱼，腥味大得可以把路边摊的苍蝇都熏晕过去，可偏偏还有人把它供在堂屋正中，说是“国宝级腌制工艺”。我年轻的时候不信邪，觉得既然现实臭，那就用力洗一洗，也许能洗出点清香来。结果我去医院工作那几年，洗到最后才发现，那不是鱼，是一条已经烂掉的蛇，你越洗，它越腥。

我永远忘不了医院楼道里那些躺不进病房的老农民。他们一个个蜷缩着，像被霜打蔫了的秋菜。有人痛得直哼哼，那声音顺着白瓷砖回荡，听起来就像医院聘请了专业哭丧队。而就在同一栋楼上，电梯一上去，到了高干病房，窗帘是丝绸的，床单是进口的，空气里飘着的不是消毒水味，而是水果盘里的哈密瓜味。最让我意外的是，那些病房还住不满，空床位像一张张白得晃眼的讽刺纸，上面写着：穷人不配生病。

我那时候年轻气盛，看到这种场景就直想骂娘，可骂娘没用，我试过。骂了以后，我被护士长骂回去：“你以为你是谁？你配管？”我那一瞬间明白了一个道理：在这个社会，最不值钱的不是卫生纸，是普通人的命。卫生纸至少还算生活必需品。

后来，我分配去乡下医院跑业务。到了一个穷得能把人眼泪逼出味道的村子。那里的人连穷都穷得很讲究，穷得有层次，有结构，有多年沉淀、无法超越的历史底蕴。一个老大娘热情招待我，端出一碗鸡蛋羹，那鸡蛋黄得像太阳一样灿烂，可我知道，那不是太阳，那是她家一个月的营养配额。我不敢吃，那一口下去，我怕我会吃掉他们家的希望。我正打算把碗推回去，两个光着屁股的孩子扒在窗台上盯着看，眼神比狼崽子盯肉还渴。我的泪水当场掉进碗里，我把碗递过去，大娘一把夺住，又把两个孩子往外赶，赶孩子的姿势熟练得像是在赶鸡。那一刻我才明白：贫穷最残忍的地方不是没得吃，而是教会母亲先赶走孩子，再招待客人。

回城以后，带着满脑子问号去找当官的人。我问他：“当年你们喊着要翻身、要解放、要人人平等，现在咋整成这样？难道你们当年革命就是为了这个？”他嘴里叼着一支高档香烟，看我的眼神就像看一个没见过世面的土鳖：“你懂个屁，这叫阶段性国情。”我听了差点笑死。原来我们吃不上饭，叫阶段性贫穷；看不起病，叫阶段性资源倾斜；活得不像人，叫阶段性过渡。这个国家从来不缺词汇，缺的是把词变成现实的诚意。

后来我有幸出国见了世面。第一次是参加啤酒节。成千上万人一起喝酒、扭屁股、抱着陌生人唱歌，快乐得跟过年拆红包一样。一个老人举着啤酒向我敬酒，他一口闷下去，笑得胡子都抖。我本来想跟着笑，可我脑子里突然蹦出医院楼道上那个呻吟的老农民。他一声声“哎哟哎哟”像被复制粘贴在我耳边。我那啤酒一喝到嘴里，竟苦得像中药。

我以为这是偶然，结果不是。我去看了外面世界的海滨嘉年华。那里跳舞的姑娘个个青春得像刚从阳光里摘出来，她们旋转着、跳跃着，裙摆开合之间能让整条街的男人忘记自己姓什么。一个姑娘拉着我一起跳，她浑身都在快乐，像是把欢乐拆成碎片往空气里撒。我正准备跟着她转几圈，脑海里突然冒出来的是河北山路上拉煤车的少女们——那些少女被煤灰糊得像黑炭，年纪轻轻，背却佝偻得像活了七十岁。我当时腿就软了，舞也跳不动了，像被人在胸口按了一块石头。

最让我难受的是美国的万圣节。我看着孩子们满街跑，装神弄鬼的，笑声能把乌云吓走。美国孩子抢糖，我脑海里却一直回放那个被母亲用扫帚赶走的中国孩子。别人是扮鬼玩，我们是真鬼活。

那几年我走南闯北，看别人怎么活，也看我们怎么苟。我越看越觉得，一个国家让老百姓活得有没有尊严，看广场上人笑得开不开心其实没用，要看的是：穷人能不能安稳睡觉、生病能不能活下来、孩子能不能不用靠赶走来学会做人。

我后来明白，我们国家的现实，是一种奇特的体质：越荒诞的事越能长寿，越正常的事越夭折。就像一个孩子，天生偏食，只吃腐肉不吃新鲜蔬菜，吃久了，竟然吃出了感情，觉得腐臭才是家乡的味道。

有一年，我路过一个新建的小区。大门修得富丽堂皇，像宫殿，进去之后楼间距窄得像棺材。业主们天天在广场舞和装修噪音里争夺生存权，一个广场舞大妈跳得太投入，把旁边晾衣绳给扯断了，半条裤衩挂在她头上。她跳完一曲才发现，摘下来还嫌弃裤衩掉毛。那副样子，比嘉年华还魔幻。

我站在一旁看他们互相对骂，从物业骂到祖宗，一秒不耽误。我突然想起那些在街头把啤酒碰得叮当作响的陌生人，他们喝醉了抱着彼此唱歌；而我们喝醉了，抱着彼此掐脖子。仿佛快乐到了中国，就变得沉重，像背上一口棺材——你越想抬轻，棺材里就越躺进一个人。

我们不缺欢乐，我们缺允许欢乐存在的土地。欢乐在这里像违法建筑，稍不注意就要被清理。

不是我们不会笑，是笑容需要许可证。孩子要在规定的时间笑，成年人得在指定的场合哭，连梦见自由都要小心隔墙有耳，免得梦也犯法。

我常常觉得，我们这片土地像一条无形的绳子，一头绑着现实，一头绑着希望。现实往下拽，希望往上飞，久而久之，那根绳子被扯得像人的神经一样发紧，只差一下下，就可能断掉。断的时候不会响，反而很安静，因为大家都习惯了痛，连喊叫都省了。

有时我走在自己的国土上，会产生一种奇怪的错觉：仿佛空气中漂浮着细碎的叹息声，那些叹息像看不见的尘埃，从尘封的历史里飘出来，又落在每一个人的肩上。有些人感觉沉重，有些人感觉麻木，而更多的人，早已习惯把叹息当成呼吸的一部分。

人们活得像被关在一个巨大的剧场里，剧本早写好，角色分配好，台词都要求背诵。我们从小被训练成适应舞台的演员，却没有人问过我们，想不想下台。

我想起那两个扒着窗台的孩子。他们不知道窗外是什么，但眼神里有一种微弱的亮，是人性最后一根火柴。我怕那火柴被生活的风吹灭，又怕它点燃，却照出我们不敢看的真相。

这些年，我见过很多被生活耗成灰的人。他们年轻时眼睛清澈，像河床里被水冲洗过的鹅卵石，可过了几年，眼神就变成了被煤灰涂过的玻璃，又脏又不透光。有的人忘了自己曾经想拥抱什么，只记得怎样才能不挨揍地活下去。

人只要活得久一点，就能明白一个残忍的事实：并不是所有人都死于疾病、意外或衰老，更多的人死于一种无形的东西——失望。失望慢慢啃噬人心，直到某一天，你对着镜子发现，那张脸已经没有从前的模样。

我有时候在夜里失眠，会突然问自己：我们到底做错了什么？为什么别的国家能让普通人像树一样自然生长，而我们只能像盆景，被修剪、被绑扎、被塑形？盆景确实漂亮，却没有自由伸展过枝丫。

如果一个社会最成功的，是教会人沉默，那它最失败的，也是让人忘了声音。

我走过了许多国家，看过许多街道上不同的影子。有些影子昂首、有些影子雀跃，而我想起我们街道上的影子——它们多数是匆忙、压缩、沉重的，好像影子也怕被现实踩碎。

有一天，我在异国的一条长椅上坐到黄昏。夕阳落下去，光像温柔的潮水一样涂在街道上，把人的影子拉长。那一刻我突然明白：理想国不是一个国家，它是一种让人不必低着头活着的空气。

如果空气是甜的，人就活得像春天；如果空气是苦的，人就活得像冬天。

而我深爱的这片土地——太久没有闻到春天的味道了。

我常常想，如果有那么一天，我们的土地突然安静下来，那会是什么声音？不是沉默的安静，而是一种心里终于放下重担的安静——像一个走了很久的人，第一次停下来，敢深呼吸。

那天，也许不会有庆典，也没有人需要挥舞旗帜。街上的汽车照样堵，菜市场的摊贩照样吆喝，孩子们照样追着气球跑。不同的是，人们的眼神，会悄悄变亮一点点。亮得不夸张，只够照见自己的影子，不再那么灰。

一个真正的理想国，不需要宏大，它应该像雨后的空气一样自然。人走在路上，不再觉得尘土粘在肺里，而是觉得风轻轻擦过脸颊，像在提醒：你终于是你自己了。

我想象有一天，医院的走廊不再躺着挤不进去病房的人。那些曾经哼着痛的人，不是因为奇迹，而是因为制度不再把他们排除在门外。高干病房仍然可以存在，但不再是天空，而只是其中一层楼。病床不再区分身份，医生不再分贵贱，病人进门时不需要低头，只需要报名字。

我想象有一天，孩子们不用扒着窗台流口水看别人吃东西。他们坐在同样的课桌前，不必为户口、出身、背景、关系而战。那天的教室里，最响亮的声音不是老师的教诲，而是孩子们笑声在墙上撞来撞去——那笑声不再害怕被人制止。

我想象有一天，我们不再把沉默当成教养，不再把谎话当成智慧，不再把麻木当成生存技巧。人们走进办公室、工厂、田野、街头、海边，从事自己愿意做的事，而不是为了活下来不得不做的事。丢掉一个工作不会像坠入深渊，而像是渡过河流暂时湿了鞋。

我想象有一天，老人们坐在长椅上晒太阳，不再抱怨“我年轻时怎么怎么苦”，因为他们知道自己的孩子不会再重复老路。他们的皱纹是岁月留下的，而不是忧愁刻下的。他们看着夕阳，不会急着回家，因为无论回哪个家，都是自己的家。

我想象有一天，人们可以坐在同一张桌子上说不同的话，而不会被要求统一口径。争论不再是撕裂，而是修补。不同的声音像不同的种子撒在土壤里，可以争阳光，但不互相拔根。

我的理想国很小，小到用一只手就能捧住。它没有水晶宫，没有金色大门，更没有神降奇迹。它只是让人活得像个“人”——抬得起头，哭得出声，笑得自由。

可我越想，心里越发疼痛。疼得像在胸腔里塞进了一块冰，越捂越冷。

因为我知道，我们距离那一天，不是差一条街、一座城，而是差一层厚得看不见的墙。那墙不是水泥砌的，是很多代人积累的恐惧与顺从堆起来的。

墙外的世界有人在歌唱，墙内的人睁着眼做梦。梦里，天空是亮的；醒来，天花板压得像石板。有人把梦刻在心里，有人把梦藏在枕头底下，有人干脆把梦撕碎，当成纸塞进鞋里垫脚。

我害怕有一天，我们走到生命尽头，才发现自己活得像公园里那种被铁丝绑成造型的树。枝条长得整齐，叶子生得标准，从不越规。可当链条打开，它已经不会自由生长了。

理想国不是给孩子们看的童话，它是成年人不敢承认的渴望。那渴望藏在每一次我们“差点说出口却忍住”的话里。

我相信那一天会来，但它不会像节日一样提前通知，不会有礼炮，也不会有口号。它会悄悄降临，就像春天第一片叶子鼓起来时，没有声音，却改变了整棵树。

等那天来临，我希望我们还有力气抬头，还有勇气认出它。

我害怕的是——等那一天终于来了，我们已经习惯低着头，再也抬不起来了。

我害怕的是——

当那一天无论我们是什么党派，无论是什么背景，无论是什么观点的一群人可以坐在一起的时候，却忘记怎么举起手中的酒杯，忘记笑是什么样子的了。

“A Promise Is No Jest”: My Republic of Ideal

By Zhang Zhijun

I have always felt that the reality of our country is like a slab of salted fish—so pungent it could knock out all the flies buzzing around a street stall. Yet some people insist on placing it in the center of their living room, praising it as a “national-treasure-level curing technique.”When I was young, I didn’t believe in such nonsense. I thought that if reality stank, then surely scrubbing hard enough might bring out a hint of freshness. Only after working in hospitals for a few years did I realize: it wasn’t a fish at all—it was a rotting snake. The more you washed it, the fouler it became.

I can never forget the old farmers lying in the hospital corridors because they couldn’t get a bed. They curled up like autumn vegetables wilted by frost. Some groaned in pain, and the sound echoed down the white-tiled hallway like a hired mourning troupe performing a dirge.Yet in the same building, take the elevator upstairs to the cadre ward: silk curtains, imported sheets, and the air scented not with disinfectant but with Hami melon from the fruit platter. What shocked me most was that even those wards weren’t full. The empty beds gleamed like sheets of white satire, each quietly declaring: “The poor do not deserve to fall ill.”

I was hot-blooded then. Seeing all this, I wanted to curse out loud—but that changed nothing. I tried. After cursing I was scolded by the head nurse:“Who do you think you are? This is none of your business.”In that moment I understood a truth: in this society, the cheapest thing is not toilet paper—it is an ordinary person’s life. Toilet paper at least counts as a daily necessity.

Later, I was assigned to run outreach work for a rural hospital. I entered a village so poor it could squeeze tears out of your eyes just by existing. Poverty there had layers, structure, and a historical depth refined over generations.An elderly woman warmly hosted me, offering a bowl of steamed egg custard—its yellow so bright it looked like a miniature sun. But I knew: that wasn’t the sun. That was her family’s monthly nutrition quota.I couldn’t bring myself to eat it. One bite felt like swallowing their hope.Just as I was about to return the bowl, two naked children clung to the windowsill, staring at it with the hunger of wolf pups eyeing meat. My tears fell directly into the bowl. I tried handing the bowl to the kids, but the old woman snatched it back and shooed them away. She drove them off with a practiced efficiency, like chasing chickens.That was when I understood: the cruelty of poverty is not that there is nothing to eat, but that it teaches a mother to push her children away before welcoming a guest.

Back in the city, filled with questions, I sought out an official.I asked him:“You once shouted about liberation, equality, letting people rise up. How did it end up like this? Was this what the revolution was for?”He held a luxury cigarette between his lips and looked at me as if I were some bumpkin who’d never seen the world:“You know nothing. This is called a transitional national condition.”

I nearly burst out laughing.So: not having enough to eat is called transitional poverty;Being unable to afford medical care is called transitional resource allocation;Living without dignity is called transitional development.Our country has never lacked vocabulary—what it lacks is the sincerity to turn words into reality.

Later, I traveled abroad and finally saw the wider world.My first time was at a beer festival: tens of thousands drinking, twisting their hips, hugging strangers and singing—joy bursting like red envelopes on New Year’s Eve.An old man toasted me, downed his beer in one gulp, and laughed so hard his beard trembled.I wanted to laugh with him, but suddenly the groans of that old farmer in the hospital corridor replayed in my mind—copied and pasted directly into my ears.The beer touched my tongue, but it tasted as bitter as Chinese medicine.

It wasn’t a one-time episode.At a seaside carnival abroad, young women danced with a freshness as if plucked straight from sunlight—spinning, leaping, their skirts blooming in the air, making the whole street’s men forget their own names.One girl grabbed me to dance. She radiated joy, scattering it like glitter in the wind. I wanted to spin with her—But the image that surfaced in my mind was of the coal-covered girls hauling coal on mountain roads in Hebei—faces blackened, backs hunched like seventy-year-olds though they were barely in their teens.My legs gave out. I could not dance. Something heavy pressed on my chest.

Halloween in America hit me the hardest.Children ran through the streets, laughing loud enough to scare away clouds.As they scrambled for candy, all I could think of was that Chinese boy chased away by his own mother so she could offer me a bowl of egg custard.Those kids were pretending to be ghosts.Our kids were living like them.

I traveled far and wide—watching how others live, and how we survive.The more I saw, the more I felt that the measure of a nation is not how loudly its citizens laugh in the square, but:Can the poor sleep safely?Can the sick survive?Can children grow up without first being shooed away?

I eventually understood that our country has a peculiar constitution:The more absurd something is, the longer it survives;The more normal something is, the quicker it withers.Like a child with a strange craving, one who eats only rotten meat, refuses fresh vegetables, and over time develops nostalgia for the stench—calling it the flavor of home.

One year I passed a newly built residential compound.The grand gate glowed like a palace, but beyond it the buildings were packed as tightly as coffins.Residents fought daily—over dance-music noise and renovation noise—competing for the right to exist.A dancing auntie got so carried away that she ripped down a neighbor’s clothesline, ending her routine with someone’s underwear hanging from her head. She didn’t notice until the music stopped—then she plucked it off with disgust, complaining that it shed lint.I watched the entire scene unfold like a carnival dipped in absurdism.

Standing there listening to their insults—spat from property management disputes to ancestral curses—I suddenly remembered those strangers clinking beer bottles abroad and singing in each other’s arms.We drink and grab each other’s throats.They drink and embrace.It is as if joy, once it reaches China, becomes unbearably heavy—like carrying a coffin. The more you try to lift it lightly, the more bodies seem to climb inside.

We do not lack joy.We lack land where joy is permitted to exist.Joy here is treated like illegal architecture—subject to demolition at any moment.

It’s not that we can’t smile.It’s that smiles require a permit.Children must laugh at designated hours; adults must cry at approved occasions; even dreaming of freedom demands caution lest the walls have ears—and dreams become crimes.

Sometimes I walk on my own soil and feel a strange illusion—that the air carries countless tiny sighs, drifting like invisible dust shaken loose from history.Some people feel the weight.Some feel numb.Most have learned to breathe those sighs as if they were oxygen.

People live as though trapped inside a massive theater—the script predrafted, roles assigned, lines memorized.We are trained from childhood to become stage actors, though no one ever asks whether we want to step off the stage.

I think of those two children clinging to the windowsill. They did not know what lay beyond the window, yet their eyes held a faint glimmer—the last matchstick of human dignity.I fear that match will be blown out by the winds of life;I also fear it will ignite—revealing truths we dare not confront.

Over the years I have met many people worn to ash by life.In youth their eyes were clear like river stones polished by running water; in a few years their gaze turned like soot-covered glass—dirty, opaque.Many no longer remember what they once yearned to embrace. They only remember how to survive without being beaten down.

Live long enough, and you learn a brutal fact:Most people do not die from illness, accidents, or old age.They die from something invisible—disappointment.It chews at the heart until one day you look in the mirror and realize the face staring back is no longer the one you remember.

Sometimes, sleepless at night, I ask myself:What did we do wrong?Why can other nations let ordinary people grow like trees—naturally, freely—while we must be shaped like bonsai, pruned, bound, sculpted?Bonsai are beautiful, yes—but they have never stretched their branches freely.

If a society’s greatest success is teaching people to stay silent, then its greatest failure is making them forget what a voice sounds like.

I have walked through many countries and seen shadows cast on many streets.Some shadows stride confidently; some skip in joy.But I think of the shadows on our streets—hurried, compressed, burdened—as if even shadows fear being crushed by reality.

One evening, I sat on a foreign bench until dusk.The setting sun flowed over the street like gentle tidewater, stretching everyone’s shadow long.At that moment I realized:The ideal republic is not a place.It is an atmosphere—one in which people do not have to live with their heads bowed.

If the air is sweet, people live like spring.If the air is bitter, people live like winter.And the land I love—has not smelled like spring for far too long.

I often wonder: if one day our land finally falls quiet, what would that silence sound like?Not the silence of suppression, but of burdens finally being lifted—like a weary traveler who, for the first time, dares take a deep breath.

That day, perhaps there will be no celebrations, no flags waving.Cars will still clog the streets; vendors will still shout in markets; children will still chase balloons.But people’s eyes—will brighten, just a little.Not dazzlingly—just enough to see their own shadows without so much gray.

A true ideal republic does not need grandeur.It should be as natural as the air after rain.People walking down the street should no longer feel dust sticking to their lungs, but feel the wind brush their cheeks gently—whispering:You are finally yourself.

I imagine a day when hospital corridors no longer host patients who cannot get a bed.When those who used to groan in pain are not saved by miracles, but because the system no longer excludes them.Cadre wards can still exist, but no longer as the sky—just another floor.Beds stop distinguishing status.Doctors stop dividing the worthy from the unworthy.Patients enter without lowering their heads—only giving their names.

I imagine a day when children no longer cling to windowsills to watch others eat.They sit at equal desks, not fighting battles over household registration, background, or connections.A classroom where the loudest sound is not the teacher’s voice, but laughter bouncing freely off the walls—laughter unafraid of being silenced.

I imagine a day when we no longer treat silence as refinement, lies as wisdom, numbness as survival.People enter offices, factories, fields, streets, beaches—not to survive, but to live.Losing a job feels less like falling into an abyss, and more like wading across a river and getting your shoes wet.

I imagine a day when the elderly bask in the sun without saying, “When I was young, I suffered so much,” because they know their children will not repeat their path.Their wrinkles would come from time—not from worry.They would watch the sunset without rushing home, because no matter which home they return to, it is truly theirs.

I imagine a day when people at the same table can speak different views without being forced into one voice.Debate becomes repair, not rupture.Different viewpoints fall like seeds into soil—competing for sunlight, but never uprooting one another.

My republic of ideal is small—small enough to hold in one hand.It has no crystal palaces, no golden gates, no miracles from above.It merely allows people to live as human beings—able to lift their heads, shed tears, and laugh freely.

But the more I imagine it, the more a pain sharpens in my chest—like a shard of ice, colder the more I hold it.Because I know: we are separated from that day not by one street or one city, but by a wall so thick it cannot be seen.A wall not built from concrete but from generations of fear and obedience.

Outside the wall, people sing.Inside, people dream with open eyes.In dreams, the sky is bright; awake, the ceiling presses like a stone slab.Some carve their dreams into their hearts; some hide them under pillows; some tear them into scraps and use them as insoles.

I fear that one day, at the end of our lives, we may discover we lived like those ornamental trees in parks—shaped by wires into perfect forms.Branches tidy, leaves uniform, never straying.And when the wires are removed—it is too late. The tree no longer knows how to grow freely.

An ideal republic is not a fairy tale for children.It is the longing adults dare not admit.A longing hidden in every sentence we almost say—but swallow at the last moment.

I believe the day will come.It will not announce itself with festivals, salutes, or slogans.It will arrive quietly—like the first bud swelling on a spring branch, soundless yet transforming the entire tree.

When that day arrives, I hope we still have the strength to lift our heads, and the courage to recognize it.What I fear is—that when it finally comes, we will already be too accustomed to bowing to ever stand upright again.What I fear even more is—that when the day arrives when people of all backgrounds, parties, and beliefs can sit at one table, we will have forgotten how to raise a glass together—and forgotten what it feels like to laugh.

作者：Shanchu zhao

编辑：刘芳   校对：程筱筱   翻译：彭小梅

圣经不仅是一部宗教经典，更是西方政治文明的根源性文本。现代宪政民主、人权理念和国际秩序的核心原则，在历史与思想的深层结构上，都深受圣经世界观的塑造。本文将从美国宪法的建构、人权理论的来源、政府权力的限制机制，以及现代国家若抛弃圣经基础所导致的政治危机等方面，系统论述圣经在现代政治体制形成中的基础性作用，同时探讨其对中国政治未来的启示。

一、圣经的核心政治观：上帝高于君王，人按神的形象被造

圣经以宗教语言提出了两个影响深远的政治命题：

上帝是最高主权者，政府权力并非自生，而是受托而来。 《罗马书 13:1》：“没有权柄不是出于神。” 君王只是代理人，不拥有绝对权力。这一观念破除了古代专制王权的合法性基础。

人按神的形象被造，人人享有固有尊严。 《创世记 1:27》：“神照着自己的形象造人，造男造女。” 人的权利因此不可被政府剥夺，而具有神圣性与普世性。

这两个原则为现代政治制度提供了最根本的哲学前提：政府权力有限，人权不可侵犯，法律高于君王。

二、圣经对美国宪法的结构性影响

美国开国者虽建立的是世俗共和国，但其政治设计几乎全部源自圣经政治神学。以下为核心对照：

美国开国元勋麦迪逊（原文作“马迪逊”）曾说：

“人若无罪，政府则无必要；若天使治理人，政府亦无必要。但因为人有罪，所以政府必须受限制。”

三、圣经奠定现代人权理念的思想基础

1. 人权的来源：神学起点

现代人权理论的核心问题是：人为何有权利？政府为何不能剥夺？

圣经的回答是：

人权来自作为“上帝形象”的本体地位，而非人的功能或社会地位。

人的尊严不依赖政府承认，而是天赋本有。

2. 人权的不可侵犯性

《出埃及记》禁止杀人、盗窃、奴役，确立了保障人身与财产权的律法。

《利未记》强调，无论贫富，法律一体适用。

3. 人权的普世性

《约翰福音 3:16》：“神爱世人。” 圣经宣告所有民族都在神面前平等，这一普世主义为《联合国人权宣言》奠定了道德基础。

四、圣经的政治制衡机制：防止极权的思想根基

美国独立战争正是以圣经为依据：认为英国政府违背了上帝赋予人的自由，因此“革命不是叛乱，而是顺服至高上帝的公义”。

五、当政治抛弃圣经基础，将走向何种结局？

案例一：法国大革命——去神化导致恐怖与专制

法国革命将人权建立在“人民意志”之上，而非神的律法之上。结果，“人民意志”迅速蜕变为少数派意志，最终导致罗伯斯庇尔的恐怖统治与拿破仑独裁。

案例二：共产主义——以无神论为基础的政治体系

马克思列宁主义否定上帝与“人按神形象被造”的观念，将人视为生产工具，导致大规模人权灾难（古拉格、文化大革命、柬共屠杀等）。

结论： 否认上帝，就会否认人的尊严；否认人的尊严，政治便不可避免地滑向极权。

六、圣经政治理念对中国的启示

公义高于权力： 政治合法性不在于谁掌权，而在于是否合乎公义。

人不是手段，而是目的： 必然推动人权保障与法治深化。

政府必须受限： 圣经为治理提供道德边界，也为改革提供思想力量。

民族更新之路： 并非简单模仿西方制度，而是回归普世价值的根基。

“公义使邦国高举，罪恶是人民的羞辱。”（《箴言》14:34）

结语

圣经不是一部陈旧的宗教文献，而是现代政治文明的根基。 现代宪政、人权与民主，并非人类理性自发的创造，而是在圣经世界观的土壤中成长出来的政治果实。

若现代国家要保有人权与自由，就必须承认一个高于政府的道德来源； 若否认这一根基，现代文明终将崩塌于自身的虚无主义之中。

圣经的政治观不是历史遗迹，而是现代文明的源头与未来。

(2025年10月26日 于纽约)

The Biblical Foundations of Modern Political Systems and Human Rights

Author: Shanchu zhao
Editor: Liu Fang   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Xiaomei Peng

Abstract:This article examines the foundational role of the Bible in shaping modern political systems and human rights concepts. It argues that two central biblical political principles—God’s supreme sovereignty and the belief that humans are created in the image of God—form the philosophical basis for limited government and the inviolability of human rights. Through comparative analysis of the U.S. Constitution, the separation of powers, popular sovereignty, and religious freedom, the article reveals the profound impact of biblical political theology on modern constitutional systems. It further demonstrates that the universality and moral legitimacy of modern human rights originate from biblical anthropology. Drawing on historical counterexamples such as the French Revolution and communism, the author concludes that once political systems abandon the transcendent foundation of Scripture, they inevitably slide into totalitarianism and nihilism. The article contends that biblical political principles not only shaped Western civilization but also offer essential insights for China’s future political transformation.

The Bible is not merely a religious text—it is the foundational document of Western political civilization. Modern constitutional democracy, human rights, and the core principles of the international order are all shaped—at the deepest historical and intellectual levels—by the biblical worldview. This article will examine the Bible’s foundational role in the formation of modern political institutions through the lenses of constitutional structure, the origins of human rights, mechanisms limiting governmental power, and the political crises faced by nations that abandon biblical foundations. It will also explore the implications of biblical political thought for the future of China.

I. Core Biblical Political Principles: God Above Kings, Humans Made in God’s Image

The Bible articulates two political principles with far-reaching consequences:

1. God is the supreme sovereign; governmental authority is delegated, not inherent.

Romans 13:1 — “There is no authority except that which God has established.”Kings are merely stewards. They do not possess absolute power. This destroys the legitimacy of ancient autocracies and divine-right monarchy.

2. Humans are created in the image of God and therefore possess inherent dignity.

Genesis 1:27 — “So God created mankind in His own image.”Human rights are thus God-given, not granted by governments, and cannot be legitimately taken away.

These two principles provide the philosophical foundation of all modern politics: government is limited, human rights are inviolable, and law stands above rulers.

II. The Bible’s Structural Influence on the U.S. Constitution

Although the United States was founded as a secular republic, its political architecture is deeply rooted in biblical political theology. Key parallels include:

James Madison famously wrote: “If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, no controls on government would be necessary.” This insight mirrors the biblical doctrine of human fallenness.

III. The Biblical Foundation of Modern Human Rights

1. The source of rights: theological, not political

Modern human rights theory asks: Why do humans have rights? Why can’t government take them away?

The Bible answers:

Human rights arise from humans being bearers of the imago Dei (God’s image).

Human dignity does not depend on social status or governmental recognition.

2. The inviolability of human rights

The Ten Commandments prohibit murder, theft, and enslavement, establishing protections for life and property.

Leviticus emphasizes equal application of the law regardless of wealth or status.

3. The universality of human rights

John 3:16 — “For God so loved the world.”This universal love forms the moral foundation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

IV. Biblical Mechanisms of Political Restraint: The Deep Roots of Anti-Totalitarianism

The American Revolution was justified theologically: Britain had violated the God-given freedoms of the colonists, making revolution an act of obedience to divine justice—not rebellion.

V. What Happens When Politics Abandons the Bible?

Case 1: The French Revolution — dechristianization leading to terror

Grounding rights in “the will of the people” rather than divine law caused that “will” to devolve into mob rule, culminating in Robespierre’s Reign of Terror and Napoleon’s dictatorship.

Case 2: Communism — an atheistic system that denies human dignity

Marxism-Leninism rejects God and the idea that humans bear God’s image, reducing humans to tools of production. The result: gulags, the Cultural Revolution, Khmer Rouge massacres—catastrophic violations of human rights.

Conclusion:Deny God → deny human dignity → political systems sink inevitably into totalitarianism.

VI. What Biblical Political Principles Mean for China

Justice above power: Legitimacy depends on righteousness, not control.

Humans are ends, not means: This demands human-rights protection and genuine rule of law.

Government must be limited: The Bible provides moral boundaries for governance.

National renewal: China’s political future requires a return to universal moral foundations, not simply copying the West.

Proverbs 14:34 — “Righteousness exalts a nation, but sin condemns any people.”

Conclusion

The Bible is not an outdated religious document; it is the foundation of modern political civilization.Constitutionalism, human rights, and democracy are not inventions of human reason alone—they grew from the soil of the biblical worldview.

A modern nation that seeks to preserve human dignity and freedom must acknowledge a moral authority higher than the state.Without such a foundation, modern civilization collapses into nihilism and authoritarianism.

Biblical political thought is not a relic of the past—it is the source and future of civilization.

(Written on October 26, 2025, New York)

作者：毛一炜

编辑：邢文娟   责任编辑：罗志飞   校对：程筱筱   翻译：彭小梅

我最近在油管看王志安的视频，他谈到重庆市公安局以“分裂国家罪”为由，对台湾立委沈伯洋启动所谓的“刑事立案侦查”。沈伯洋是一位关注台湾防卫和公民教育的学者型立法委员，他的言论和行为完全是合法合理的。然而，中共却用所谓的境内法律，对台湾民选代表进行追责，这不是司法行为，而是一种跨境政治威慑，意在制造恐惧，达到限制台湾的言论和行动的目的。

这种跨区域执法行为被媒体称为“远洋捕捞”，意思是越界进行异地打压。对沈伯洋进行“刑事立案侦查”，不异于把手伸进台湾内部，干预台湾政治，试图让敢说真话的人噤声。中共通过沈伯洋事件，对台湾社会发出的明确警告：民主和自由不被容忍，一旦形成趋势，沈伯洋事件将不再是孤立个案，会有越来越多类似的迫害发生。

我们每一个中华儿女都必须清楚，中共无权篡改历史，也无权决定台湾的未来。台湾人民拥有自己的政府、宪法、选举制度和言论自由，这些权利不可被任何外部政权剥夺。台湾用行动证明，一个讲华语的社会，也能够在自由与法治下蓬勃发展。台湾的未来必须由台湾人民自己决定，任何外来的政权都无权干预。

时至今日，中共从未放弃加大对台湾的打压，他们屡次试图通过跨境威胁、法律操控和舆论压力限制台湾的民主和自由，这不仅挑战台湾内部秩序，也挑战国际社会公认的自由与法治原则。自由不是可以妥协的选项，而是每一个守护民主的人必须坚守的底线。

面对威权挑衅，沉默是纵容，退让是失败。台湾的民主与自由不容侵犯，历史也不可被改写。台湾需要建立防护机制，守住言论空间，团结发声，捍卫每个人的权利。唯有坚定行动，才能让世界看见：台湾不会被恐吓，民主不容践踏，自由必须守护！让我们携手反共，反独裁，共同守护台湾的自由与尊严！

Stay Alert to the CCP’s Transnational Crackdown — Defend Taiwan’s Democracy

Author: Mao Yiwei

Editor: Xing Wenjuan   Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Xiaomei Peng

Abstract:This article exposes how the Chinese Communist Party uses the charge of “secession” to suppress democratic voices in Taiwan. It criticizes the CCP’s cross-border intimidation, speech suppression, and manipulation of legal tools. The author calls for unity in resisting authoritarian interference, defending freedom of expression, and safeguarding Taiwan’s democratic values and dignity.

The Chongqing Public Security Bureau has recently launched a so-called “criminal investigation” against Taiwanese legislator Puma Shen, accusing him of “secession.”Shen is a scholar-legislator dedicated to Taiwan’s defense and civic education. Everything he has said and done is fully lawful. Yet the CCP dares to apply its domestic laws to a democratically elected representative of Taiwan. This is not law enforcement—this is cross-border political intimidation aimed at silencing Taiwan and creating fear.

Media have called this tactic “distant-water fishing”—reaching across borders to suppress people outside the CCP’s jurisdiction. By filing a case against Shen, Beijing is trying to interfere in Taiwan’s internal politics and warn everyone: whoever speaks the truth will be punished. If this becomes a pattern, Shen’s case will not be the last. More people will be targeted.

Every person of Chinese heritage must be clear: The CCP has no right to rewrite history, and no authority to decide Taiwan’s future. Taiwan has its own government, constitution, elections, and freedom of speech. These rights are not negotiable and cannot be taken away by any external dictatorship. Taiwan has proved that a Mandarin-speaking society can thrive in freedom and under the rule of law. Taiwan’s future must be decided by its own people—never by an authoritarian regime across the strait.

But the CCP has never stopped pushing. Through cross-border intimidation, legal manipulation, and media pressure, Beijing keeps trying to limit Taiwan’s democracy. This is not only an attack on Taiwan’s internal order—it challenges universal principles of freedom and rule of law worldwide. Freedom is not something to compromise.

Silence is surrender. Retreat is defeat. Taiwan must strengthen its protections, preserve its space for free expression, and speak out together. Only determined action can show the world: Taiwan will not be threatened. Democracy will not be crushed. Freedom will not be surrendered. Stand together. Stand against the CCP. Stand for Taiwan’s dignity and freedom.

作者：何愚
编辑：李晶 责任编辑：侯改英 校对：程筱筱 翻译：彭小梅

导语：时隔近一年，当我重看Freeman为俄乌战争中牺牲的战士所做的悼念视频，仍被他不畏牺牲的遗言深深震撼。11月4日夜，我收到朱老转来的视频链接并嘱托（https://youtu.be/bq0lrW25l30?si=wTZzrvR0wijT6QDg）：“今天是彭陈亮在乌克兰牺牲一周年，请整理成文，刊登在第17期。” 我这才恍然记起——他已离去整整一年。承此重任，诚惶诚恐，深思再三，我决定尽量还原Freeman的口述，用文字为彭陈亮立一座可被反复阅读的纪念碑。他们是战友，也是至交；他们生活的每一个细节，都是对英雄最好的纪念。现将Freeman的口述与回忆整理如下。

一、遗言与心愿

“我是国际志愿军战士。如果哪一天我有不测，请把我的照片和我的国旗（青天白日满地红）放在曾圣光（第一个 阵亡的台湾志愿兵）的旁边。不回大陆，愿永远以这面旗覆盖我的身躯。青天白日满地红，或乌克兰国旗也可以。我们为自由而战、为民主而战。如果哪天台湾发生战争，我们每一个人都会去支援台湾。跟共产党干到底。”

二、他与我们的故事

我与Farias相识于2024年4月。那天凌晨，我乘大巴抵达利沃夫，他车站等未见我抵达，因宵禁先回到住处。我下车后辗转他的住所，他就在门口过道迎我。那一晚我们拥抱、长谈至两三点。我知道他话多，他也对我无话不谈。

此后我们几乎每天联系。训练分配上，我进入乌军一支机械化单位，他去了以轻步兵为主的国际军团。9月29日，我们最后一次共同休假，归队后依然常互通电话，有时一聊一两个小时，彼此的朋友、喜欢的姑娘、军中的烦恼，无所不谈；我们一起做频道节目（四期），一起被网暴、被禁言；一起给支持者写明信片，看八九、李老师、曹兴诚的节目时一起大笑或吐槽，连遗嘱都互相托付。

三、觉醒的路：从“小粉红”到“自由人”

Farias大陆教育式洗脑，早年也曾是“小粉红”，甚至批评过蔡英文总统“两岸互不隶属”的表述。进入社会体会到民间疾苦与不自由后，他逐渐转向自由主义，并为早年的言行致歉努力以行动践行信念。

2021年郑州特大暴雨后，他抨击官方对死亡数字的掩盖；

多个中华民国双十节，他在向友人间展示青天白日满地红；

去福建“一国两制统一台湾”的标语下拍照并发声：“去你的一国两制”；

白纸运动中，他在朋友圈举白纸；

俄军全面入侵乌克兰之初，他怒斥普京为战犯。

因此，他多次被社媒禁言、被公安请“喝茶”，甚至被关押至派出所。但他并未停止战斗，还常告诫我：即使我们两人中有人阵亡，另一个也要 Keep Fighting，直到极权不再威胁我们。

他在身份认同上拒绝陷于民族主义：平日不愿自称“中国人”，自称“精神美国人”或“西台湾人”，强调自己是一个为自由民主而战、良知仍在的人”。正式场合需填写籍贯，他也如实写“中国”。他痛恶“民族复兴”式口号，笑言“都已身在海外，却执念要“堂堂正正做中国人”，就像逃离地球还惦记堂堂正正做地球人一样可笑！。

俄中阵营有谣言——他是雇佣兵。实际上他参军后自购装备的开销往往大于薪资；若是“真雇佣”，我们还巴不得拿到该有的“雇佣兵薪水”。事实上，我们所得勉强够买一个瞄准镜或热像仪。

四、险途与背运：被骗、被关、仍不回头

去乌克兰参军，他历经签证与手续的层层阻碍，甚至被骗子反复敲诈。曾被一个化名“李勇”（真名或为“曹子靖”）之人骗取至少三千美元。（该人不断编造理由索要钱财从未提供实质性帮助），即便被以“寻衅滋事罪”关押七个月，他仍一步步走向战场与前线。

五、精神上的美国人，心归利沃夫

2015年，他在美国海外领地塞班岛接受美式军事训练，自此深爱美国与美军，常穿带星条旗的服饰。若有人问起，他会说：“我是精神上的美国人，我为美国国旗所代表的价值而战。”许多美国队友与教官也因此欣赏他。

在乌克兰，为践行信仰，他常佩戴美旗，但介于俄间谍，猎杀及某些俄语区民众的，亲俄反美情绪。安全起见，我劝他保持低调，他坚持说道：“我们是Freedom Fighter，不能因敌人的压力而隐藏自己，否则与在中国的处境有何区别！？”

谈起“Homesick”，他想念的是利沃夫。既因城市古典的气息，更因所爱之人——他的女友是利沃夫人，那里的家人也喜欢他。我们一起走过利沃夫的大街小巷，还拍过一期视频；在市中心唯一的军人公墓，他对我说：“若不幸阵亡，愿葬于此。”

六、自愿出击与未竟的转队

他最后一次执行的是自愿任务。按道理他已处于面试通过，待转入步兵小队的过渡期，完全可以不出任务。但他说：“俄军正疯狂进攻，若他不去就会是别人去”。而在那样的时刻，即便待在安全地方，一觉醒来也可能被包围，危险也不小。俄军极限施压导致出现的失误、沟通不畅与士气低落，也促使他做出这个决定。但归根到底，还是他的责任心使然。

他本可留在无人机单位当飞手（因其持有工程学本科、做过健身教练与无人机教官），但他心心念念要做一名合格的步兵，与敬佩的三位台湾志愿军并肩作战。他顺利通过面试，却未等到手续完成。

我们也曾劝他转入“战争科技升级”的支援项目——以他的特长，或许能对整体作战效能提升作出更大贡献。他坚持要先积累更多一线经验，再去做那件事。他认为这样更有说服力。我理解他，只是如今，有乌克兰朋友反复追问：我们当时是否应该 Try Harder，再多拉他一步？

七、噩耗与承诺

2024年11月初，顿巴斯前线。11月4日下午2:30，我从他同壕的队友口中得知他阵亡，随后又多方确认，至今仍恍如在昨日。他生前交代我：一旦牺牲，请我妥善处理他身后信息，确保以正确的方式被传播，不受俄中的歪曲与污蔑。

他曾托付我说：若他阵亡，用青天白日满地红覆盖他的身体（他也认同在身上覆盖乌克兰国旗），不要把他送回大陆；他愿意葬在乌克兰——这片他深爱的、为之献身的自由之地。为买两面台湾国旗，他曾托两位台湾朋友协助、也因此欠我几十美元——我很高兴他“欠着我”，从未想过要他还。

那几天，我的手机上全是泪水。英国女兵Tanya问我：“Why Farias? He is such a nice guy.”我一时无言。我们曾说好：不管发生什么，都要Keep Fighting Till the End. 现在，他不在了——我仍会遵他的遗愿，继续战斗，直到胜利。

八、记述与辨伪

俄方曾故意把他“说成台湾人”，意在泼脏水与误导。事实上，他出生于中国云南、持中国护照，是我们已知的唯一一名中国籍在乌服役的自愿军。二次面试时，指挥官与军官对他连问三十分钟。因为他们从未见过中国籍志愿者。他不是“极端民族主义者”，更不是“雇佣兵”。他是自由人。

他在三十岁刚过不久就离开。他是我的战友、朋友、挚爱、自由的人。他以英雄的方式活着，也以英雄的方式离去。若“英雄”意味着“为他人作出极其勇敢的行动”，那么他当之无愧。我们成立“民主卫队”的初心，是保卫我们所热爱的自由民主——特别是前沿阵地的乌克兰与台湾。如今没有了你，我常感力有不逮。但我会遵你所愿：Keep Fighting，直到最后。

最后请允许我向上帝祷告

祷文

亲爱的主：我们为这位兄弟、战友、朋友献上祷告。他生于云南，心属自由之地；他在乌克兰的土地上献出了年轻的生命。愿你亲自安慰他至亲、爱人、朋友与战友；在破碎与流泪之地，赐下从你而来的平安。

主啊，他渴望真理被正当地传扬，不被谎言与污蔑遮蔽；求你保守我们忠于良心与记忆，让他的名字，不止留在墓碑，也活在自由的落实里。

若黑暗仍未散去，求你赐我们勇气与智慧，按着他的遗愿，Keep Fighting，直到公义如光照耀，直到自由无惧无忧。

我们把Farias交托在你手中：愿他在你的荣光里得享安息；愿他的脚印，照亮我们前行的路。阿门。

Eternal Free Man — In Memory of Peng Chenliang One Year After His Sacrifice(Farias, 1994–2024)

Author: He Yu
Editor: Li Jing Executive Editor: Hou Gaiying Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator:Xiaomei Peng

Introduction

Nearly a year has passed. When I rewatched the memorial video Freeman made for the soldiers who fell in the Russo-Ukrainian war, I was once again shaken by his final words—fearless and resolute even in the face of death.On the night of November 4, I received a video link forwarded by Elder Zhu along with his instruction:(https://youtu.be/bq0lrW25l30?si=wTZzrvR0wijT6QDg)“Today is the first anniversary of Peng Chen liang’s sacrifice in Ukraine. Please write it down and publish it in Issue 17.”Only then did I suddenly realize—he has been gone for a full year. Entrusted with this task, I felt both honored and anxious. After much reflection, I decided to restore Freeman’s oral accounts as faithfully as possible, to build for Peng Chenliang a memorial that can be read again. They were comrades, but also closest friends. Every detail of their shared life is the best tribute to a hero. Below is the presentation of Freeman’s spoken memories.

I. His Final Words and Last Wishes

“I am a soldier of the International Legion. If one day something happens to me, please place my photo and my flag—the Blue Sky, White Sun, and a Wholly Red Earth—next to Tseng Sheng-Kuang (the first Taiwanese volunteer killed in action).I will not return to Mainland China.Let my body be covered with this flag—not the five-starred red flag, but the Blue Sky, White Sun, or the Ukrainian flag. We fight for freedom. We fight for democracy. If war ever breaks out in Taiwan, every one of us will go to defend her. We will give everything to safeguard democracy and fight the CCP to the very end.”

II. His Story with Us

I first met Farias in April 2024. That early morning, due to delays on the bus to Lviv, he waited at the station until curfew, then had to return home. By the time I finally got off, I found my way to his building, and he came out to the corridor to greet me. That night we hugged and talked until two or three in the morning. I knew he was talkative; he also had endless things to share with me.

After that, we were in contact nearly every day. In training assignments, I joined a mechanized unit of the Ukrainian army; he went to the International Legion, primarily light infantry.On September 29, we had our last shared leave. After returning to our units, we still called often—sometimes for one or two hours—about friends, about girls we liked, about frustrations in the army. Nothing was off limits. We made four episodes of our channel together. We were cyber-harassed together, banned together. We wrote postcards to supporters together.We laughed (or complained) at programs like “1989,” “Teacher Li,” or Tsao Hsing-Cheng’s show. Even our wills—we entrusted them to each other.

III. The Road to Awakening: From ‘Little Pink’ to ‘Free Man’

Raised under the full indoctrination of mainland China’s education, Farias was once a “Little Pink,” even criticizing President Tsai Ing-wen’s statement that “the two sides of the Strait are not subordinate to each other.” But after entering society and experiencing hardship and lack of freedom firsthand, he gradually awakened, turning toward liberal democracy, and sought to atone for his earlier views through action. He stood up again and again:

After the 2021 Zhengzhou flood disaster, he condemned the authorities’ concealment of death numbers.

On multiple ROC National Days, he proudly displayed the Blue Sky, White Sun flag to friends.

He took photos under “One Country, Two Systems Unify Taiwan” propaganda in Fujian and said: “To hell with your One Country, Two Systems.”

During the White Paper Movement, he silently held up a blank sheet in his social media.

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, he denounced Putin as a war criminal.

For these actions, he was repeatedly muted on social media, summoned by police for “tea,” and even detained in a precinct. But he never stopped fighting. He often reminded me: “Even if one of us gets killed, the other must Keep Fighting—until the CCP dictatorship no longer threatens us.”

On identity, he rejected ethnic nationalism. He disliked calling himself “Chinese.” He preferred: “I’m an American in spirit.” “I’m a West-Taiwanese.” “I am someone who fights for freedom and democracy, whose conscience hasn’t died.” In formal documents he filled “China,” but in private he mocked ultranationalist slogans: “Already living overseas yet insisting on being a ‘dignified Chinese’—that’s like fleeing Earth but still obsessed with being a ‘dignified Earthling’! Ridiculous!”

Pro-Russia disinformation once claimed he was a mercenary. In reality, he often spent more on gear than he earned. As he said: “If we were real mercenaries, we’d love to get actual mercenary pay. What we get barely covers a scope or a thermal sight.”

IV. Hardship and Misfortune: Cheated, Detained, Yet Never Turning Back

On the road to joining the Ukrainian army, he encountered obstacle after obstacle—visa troubles, bureaucratic hurdles, and even scammers. One man, using the alias “Li Yong” (real name likely Cao Zijng), swindled at least $3,000 from him, fabricating excuse after excuse while offering no actual help. Even after being detained for seven months on the charge of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” he still walked step by step toward the battlefield—toward the front. He never turned back.

V. An American in Spirit, A Heart Belonging to Lviv

In 2015, he received American-style military training on Saipan, a U.S. territory. From then on, he loved the United States and the U.S. military, often wearing clothing featuring the Stars and Stripes. If asked, he would say: “I’m an American in spirit. I fight for the values the U.S. flag represents. “Many American teammates and instructors appreciated him deeply for this.

In Ukraine, he often wore a U.S. flag patch to honor his beliefs. But because Russian spies hunted volunteers and because some Russian-speaking locals held anti-American sentiments, I advised him to keep a lower profile. He refused: “We are Freedom Fighters. If we hide ourselves because of the enemy, how is that any different from living under China’s oppression?”

When the spoke of “homesickness,” he meant Lviv. Not because of the beautiful, classical architecture, though he loved it. But because of the person he loved—his girlfriend, a Lviv woman whose family also liked him very much. We once walked through the streets of Lviv together and filmed an episode. At the city’s only military cemetery, he told me: “If I fall, I want to be buried here.”

VI. Voluntary Mission and the Transfer That Never Happened

His final mission was entirely voluntary. By that time, he had already passed interviews and was waiting to transfer to an infantry unit. He could have chosen to stay behind. But he said: “The Russians are attacking like mad. If I don’t go, someone else will have to. “Even being in a “safe” location was no guarantee—frontlines can collapse overnight. Russian pressure had caused temporary Ukrainian errors, poor communication, and low morale. This also influenced his decision. But at the root, it was his profound sense of responsibility.

He could have stayed in the UAV unit as a drone operator—he had an engineering degree, had been a fitness coach, and was a drone instructor. But his heart was set on becoming an infantry soldier, fighting alongside the three Taiwanese volunteers he deeply admired. He passed the interview. But the paperwork wasn’t completed in time.

We once tried persuading him to join a “war-tech upgrading” support project—based on his skills, he could have contributed enormously to improving operational effectiveness.But he insisted: “I need more frontline experience first. Only then will my advice carry weight. “I understood. But now, many Ukrainian friends keep asking me: “Should we have tried harder?Pulled him back one more step?”

VII. The News and the Promise

Early November 2024, Donbas front. On November 4 at 2:30 p.m., his trench mate informed me that he had been killed. Multiple confirmations followed. Even now it feels like yesterday. Before his death, he told me: “If I die, make sure my information is handled properly. My story must be told truthfully—not twisted by Russian or CCP propaganda.”

He also entrusted me with his final wish:

Cover him with the Blue Sky, White Sun flag

Or the Ukrainian flag

Do not send his body back to Mainland China

Lay him to rest in Ukraine—the free land he loved and died defending

He even asked two Taiwanese friends to help him buy the flags and ended up owing me a small amount—just a few dozen dollars. I was happy he “owed” me. I never wanted him to pay it back.

My phone was soaked with tears for days. A British female soldier, Tanya, asked me: “Why Farias? He was such a good guy.” I had no answer. We made a pact: No matter what happens, we will Keep Fighting till the End. He’s gone now. But I will keep my promise. I will fight on—until victory.

VIII. Testimony and Clarification

Russian sources once deliberately claimed he was “Taiwanese,” attempting to smear and mislead. The truth is this: He was born in Yunnan, China. He held a PRC passport.He is the only known Chinese citizen who served in the Ukrainian forces and died in action. During his second interview, the commander and officers questioned him for thirty minutes straight—they had never seen a Chinese volunteer before. He was not an “ultranationalist.”He was not a “mercenary.” He was a Free Man.

He died shortly after turning thirty. He was my comrade, my friend, my beloved brother-in-arms—a free soul. He lived like a hero, and he died like one. If “hero” means a person who performs acts of extraordinary courage on behalf of others— then he deserved that title beyond all doubt. The founding purpose of our “Democratic Guard” was to defend the freedom and democracy we cherish—especially on the frontlines of Ukraine and Taiwan. Now, without you, I often feel my strength is not enough. But as you wished, I will Keep Fighting, until the very end.

IX. Prayer

A Prayer for Farias

Dear Lord,

We lift up this brother, this comrade, this friend before You.He was born in Yunnan, yet his heart belonged to the land of freedom.On the soil of Ukraine, he gave his young life.

May You comfort his family, his beloved, his friends, and his fellow soldiers.In a place of tears and brokenness, grant them peace that comes only from You.

Lord, he longed for truth to be told rightly, without distortion or slander.Guard our conscience and our memory,that his name may not rest only on a grave,but live on wherever freedom grows.

If darkness has not yet lifted,grant us courage and wisdomto fulfill his final wish—to Keep Fightinguntil justice shines like the light,until freedom stands without fear.

Into Your hands we entrust Farias:May he rest in the radiance of Your glory.May his footsteps illuminate the road ahead of us.

Amen.