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再来听一遍《一无所有》

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再来听一遍《一无所有》
再来听一遍《一无所有》

1989年 崔健在天安门 来源:Patrick Zachmann(玛格南)/摄

作者:余晓平

编辑:钟然 校对:熊辩 翻译:吕峰

我们六零后听着崔健的《一无所有》走过了年轻岁月,尤其是走过了那个具有历史意义的1989年春夏之交。如今我想问现代的年轻人一个问题:如果对方一无所有,你还愿意跟着走吗?

在如今大陆的年轻人当中,可以说,为了理想而放弃物质诱惑的人已经越来越少了。这二十多年来,另一种价值观的长期灌输,使得物欲横流,也造就了在精神层面相对匮乏的一代年轻人。我不是说所有人,而是说大多数人。

其实,我们可以很容易从概率上判断:为了精神上的东西而宁愿一无所有的人,到底能占多大比例?而把物质财富作为主要判断标准的人,又能占多大比例?当物质与精神不可兼得的时候,人们到底会先放弃哪一个?

举一个大家都知道的例子:梅兰芳在日本占领时期蓄须明志,拒绝为日本人登台演出。这就是为了精神世界而放弃物质利益。再比如,当年唱《一无所有》的崔健,因为在天安门献唱被封杀多年,后又因不愿接受当局审查,拒上春晚舞台。这些人完全可以选择合作,那样财富会源源不断地到来。

但这样的人,在中华民族的历史中一直都是凤毛麟角。现实社会里,大多数人都会选择合作。几乎所有人都会说:“那也没办法,要不你来救救我,别在旁边说风凉话,要办实事。”

在这些人眼里,直接把好日子准备好,把钞票点好放在手里,或者干脆把绿卡发下来……这些物质上的东西都叫“实事”,而精神上的追求却被称为空话。这样的人,真的能过上真正的好日子吗?

好好想一想,这样的人在社会中究竟占了多大的比例。这个民族两千年的历史,很大程度上就是一部被侵略和被奴役的历史:不是外族打进来,就是内部不断折腾自己。更滑稽的是,当一部分人欺压另一部分人的时候,欺压者往往还会大谈“稳定”的好处。

于是,越来越多的人为了蝇头小利出卖自己的灵魂。人们都希望不要一无所有,却没有真正分清物质与精神之间的区别。灵魂如果没有了,其实就是一种更深层的、一种精神上的一无所有。

还记得当年谷歌离开中国的时候,很多人认为他们放弃了中国这么大的市场,会损失天量的财富。人们看到的只是物质上的一无所有,却很少有人去思考背后的价值选择,这其实正是价值观的问题。

我们年轻的时候,资讯不畅,而且长期受到单一叙事的影响。那么,到底有什么是今天的年轻人所缺乏的?在我看来,是一种在精神上追求自由的激情。也许正是因为曾经受到长期的压抑,而改革开放初期那短暂出现的思想松动,让一部分年轻人像井底的青蛙突然跳起,看见了一片蓝天。那种对自由的渴望和追求,可以说是奋不顾身的。

而那个时代,也正是崔健的《一无所有》红遍大江南北的时候。

那种精神,也促使了大量中国年轻人远赴海外,通过艰苦的勤工俭学去追寻外面更自由的世界。那种艰难,是很难用语言完全描述的。事实上,很多能够出国移民的人,在国内完全有能力通过违心的合作获取更高的物质利益。但他们选择了承受一切从零开始的压力,在国外一无所有重新奋斗,最终换取精神上的自由。

而如今,很多人出国,追求的已经不再是精神上的东西,而更多只是物质环境上的改善。同时,在国内的很多人,则在追求物质的过程中逐渐放弃精神追求,失去了独立思考的能力,过着只要有吃有睡就满足的生活。

如果一个社会越来越多的人只满足于这种状态,那么最终的结局,往往就是被人随意摆布、任人宰割。

最后我们再来听一遍《一无所有》

我曾经问个不休

你何时跟我走

可你却总是笑我,一无所有

我要给你我的追求

还有我的自由

可你却总是笑我,一无所有

噢……你何时跟我走

噢……你何时跟我走

脚下这地在走

身边那水在流

可你却总是笑我,一无所有

为何你总笑个没够

为何我总要追求

难道在你面前

我永远是一无所有

噢……你何时跟我走

噢……你何时跟我走

脚下这地在走

身边那水在流

告诉你我等了很久

告诉你我最后的要求

我要抓起你的双手

你这就跟我走

这时你的手在颤抖

这时你的泪在流

莫非你是在告诉我

你爱我一无所有

噢……你这就跟我走

噢……你这就跟我走

噢……你这就跟我走

Listen to “Nothing to My Name” Once Again

再来听一遍《一无所有》

1989: Cui Jian at Tiananmen. Source: Patrick Zachmann (Magnum Photos)

Author: Yu Xiaoping

Editor: Zhong RanProofreading: Xiong BianTranslator: Lyu Feng

Abstract: Cui Jian’s Nothing to My Name once symbolized a generation’s pursuit of ideals and freedom. This song and the reflections around it criticize the materialistic values of contemporary society, arguing that when people abandon spiritual life and independent thought in favor of material gain alone, society gradually loses its dignity and freedom.

Those of us born in the 1960s passed through our youth listening to Cui Jian’s Nothing to My Name, especially through that historically significant spring and summer of 1989. Today, I want to ask younger people a question: if someone had nothing to their name, would you still be willing to follow them?

Among young people in mainland China today, it can be said that fewer and fewer are willing to give up material temptations for the sake of ideals. Over the past two decades, the long-term indoctrination of another value system has fueled rampant materialism and also produced a generation of young people who are relatively impoverished at the spiritual level. I do not mean everyone, but the majority.

In fact, we can judge this quite easily in terms of probability: what proportion of people would rather have nothing materially for the sake of spiritual values? And what proportion take material wealth as their primary standard of judgment? When material and spiritual values cannot both be kept, which one do people abandon first?

Take an example everyone knows: during the Japanese occupation, Mei Lanfang grew a beard to show his resolve and refused to perform for the Japanese. That was a case of giving up material benefit for the sake of the spirit. Another example is Cui Jian, who sang Nothing to My Name. After performing at Tiananmen, he was banned for many years, and later, because he was unwilling to submit to official censorship, he refused to appear on the Spring Festival Gala. These people could easily have chosen cooperation; had they done so, wealth would have flowed to them endlessly.

But such people have always been exceedingly rare in Chinese history. In real society, most people choose to cooperate. Almost everyone says: “There’s nothing I can do. Why don’t you come save me instead of standing there making empty comments? What matters is doing something practical.”

In the eyes of such people, handing them a comfortable life directly, counting out cash into their hands, or simply issuing them a green card… these material things are what they call “practical matters,” while spiritual pursuits are dismissed as empty talk. Can such people truly live a genuinely good life?

Think carefully: what proportion of society do such people make up? Much of this nation’s two-thousand-year history has, in large part, been a history of invasion and enslavement: either foreign powers invaded, or internal forces endlessly tormented their own people. Even more absurdly, when one group oppresses another, the oppressors often speak grandly of the benefits of “stability.”

As a result, more and more people sell their souls for petty gains. Everyone wants to avoid having nothing, yet few truly distinguish between the material and the spiritual. If the soul is gone, that is in fact a deeper kind of nothingness—a spiritual nothingness.

When Google left China, many people thought it was giving up such a huge market and would lose an astronomical amount of wealth. What people saw was only the material sense of having nothing; very few reflected on the value choice behind it. But that is precisely a question of values.

When we were young, information did not flow freely, and we lived for a long time under the influence of a single dominant narrative. So what is it that today’s young people lack? In my view, it is a passion for spiritual freedom. Perhaps it was precisely because of long years of repression that the brief ideological loosening in the early years of reform and opening up made some young people feel like frogs suddenly leaping out of a well and seeing a patch of blue sky. That yearning and pursuit of freedom could truly be described as reckless and wholehearted.

And that was exactly the era when Cui Jian’s Nothing to My Name swept across the country.

That same spirit also drove large numbers of young Chinese to travel overseas, pursuing a freer world through years of hard study and labor. That hardship is difficult to fully describe in words. In fact, many people who were able to emigrate or study abroad were fully capable, back in China, of gaining greater material benefits through compromises against their conscience. But they chose instead to bear the pressure of starting from zero in a foreign country, to have nothing materially and struggle anew, in exchange for spiritual freedom.

Today, however, many people who go abroad are no longer pursuing spiritual things, but mainly seeking an improved material environment. At the same time, many people who remain in China gradually abandon spiritual pursuits in the process of chasing material gain. They lose the ability to think independently and live lives in which having food and sleep is enough to satisfy them.

If more and more people in a society are content with such a state, then the final outcome is often that they can be manipulated at will and treated as prey.

So let us listen once again to Nothing to My Name:

I kept asking without end,When will you come with me?But you always laughed at me, for having nothing.I want to give you my pursuit,And also my freedom,But you always laughed at me, for having nothing.

Oh… when will you come with me?Oh… when will you come with me?

The ground beneath my feet is moving,The water beside me is flowing,But you always laughed at me, for having nothing.Why do you keep laughing without end?Why must I always keep pursuing?Could it be that before you,I will forever have nothing to my name?

Oh… when will you come with me?Oh… when will you come with me?

The ground beneath my feet is moving,The water beside me is flowing,Let me tell you, I have waited a long time,Let me tell you my final request,I want to seize both of your hands,And you will come with me right now.

At this moment your hands are trembling,At this moment your tears are falling,Could it be you are telling meThat you love me with nothing to my name?

Oh… now you will come with me.Oh… now you will come with me.Oh… now you will come with me.

宗教大法官的传说(二)

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——软弱的人如何承受自由

作者:韩立华

编辑:周志刚 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

阿廖沙说,耶稣是唯一一个“能够宽恕而且有权宽恕的人”,人类命运的大厦不是建立在小女孩的眼泪之上,而是建立在耶稣身上。阿廖沙说,伊凡忘记了耶稣。

伊凡说,他没有忘记耶稣,而且他还为耶稣写了一部长诗(名字叫《宗教大法官》),这就是《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》第五卷第五章中著名的《宗教大法官》。虽然他没有把这首诗写下来,但诗的内容他记得。

作为开场白,伊凡介绍了过去时代类似的诗歌和戏剧,就是“把天神引向人间”的时尚。他提到但丁,提到雨果的《巴黎圣母院》,提到俄国彼得大帝以前的时代演的戏剧,他还特别提到鞑靼人统治时代的一首长诗,叫《圣母游地狱》。伊凡认为诗中的描写不亚于但丁。

伊凡说,他的长诗也是这样的题材,就是耶稣再次来到地上,来到人间。耶稣在圣经中已经应许说:“我必快来”(启示录3:11“我必快来,你要持守你所有的,免得人夺去你的冠冕。”),但他什么时候来,“但那日子、那时辰没有人知道,连天上的使者也不知道,子也不知道,唯有父知道。”(马可福音13:32)

于是,地上的人们一代又一代地等待着他的再来,“满怀着当年的信仰和当年感动的心情在等待着他。”

十五个世纪过去了,人们已经整整十五个世纪没有得到来自天上的保证了。正巧那时候,在欧洲北部出现了一种“新的、可怕的邪教”,就是波及西欧各国的宗教改革运动。“那些邪教徒开始亵渎上帝,否认奇迹,但是虔诚如初的教徒们对上帝的信仰变得更加炽烈了。”他们一代一代地祈祷:“主啊,快降临吧”。最后耶稣终于怀着无限怜悯之情降临到祈求者面前,回到那些“受苦受难,罪孽深重,但婴儿般爱他的百姓面前”。

那是在十六世纪,西班牙南部的塞维尔(塞维利亚),耶稣再次降临人间。那是在宗教裁判制度最猖獗的时代。耶稣来到这里,“只是想看一眼他的孩子们,看一看架起火堆活活烧死异教徒的那个地方。”

就在前一天,在这个城市的广场上,“为了上帝的荣耀,一下子活活烧死了上百个异教徒。”“他悄悄地不知不觉地来到广场,但是很奇怪,大家马上认出了他。……人们势不可挡地纷纷向前拥去,将他团团围住。……他默默地在他们中间走过,脸上挂着无限同情的宁静的微笑。爱的太阳在他心中燃烧,光明、智慧和力量的光辉从他眼中闪射出来,照耀着人们,震撼着他们的心灵,向他们报以深情厚爱。”

他让一个瞎子重新看见,让一个躺在棺材里的小女孩死而复生。就像一千五百年前,他在地上三年时间所做的一样。

就在这时,宗教大法官经过广场,书中描述他的样子,“这是个将近九十岁的老人,高个子,腰板笔直,一张干瘪的脸,眼眶深陷,但目光炯炯,犹如两颗火星。”他看到了广场上发生的一切,于是他命令卫队把耶稣抓起来,押到宗教法院那幢古老大楼里的一间带穹顶的狭小而阴暗的牢房里。

到了夜里,“在一片漆黑中,牢房的铁门打开了,年迈的宗教大法官亲自提着灯,慢慢地走进监狱。他独自一人,铁门在他身后又立刻关上了。”

宗教大法官和基督就在这昏暗的牢房里面对面了,开始了他们的谈话。其实不是交谈,只是宗教大法官一个人的独白,因为从头到尾,基督一直保持沉默。

大法官也让基督不要回答,他的理由是“你也没有权利对自己说过的话再增添什么新内容”,“既然你把一切都交给了教皇,现在一切都在教皇手里,那你现在完全没有必要再来了,至少暂时不要来妨碍。”

其实,耶稣在当年受犹太的大祭司审判时就是这样一言不发。

现在,他当年亲自建立的教会,再一次地审判他,不让他开口。因为按照大法官的说法,基督现在再说什么的话,将会侵犯人们的信仰自由,因为人们是按照一千五百年前基督的话去自由信仰的。而基督又把信仰自由看得比一切都宝贵。“你们必晓得真理,真理必叫你们得以自由。”(约翰福音8:32)

大法官说,基督白天已经在广场上看到了那些信仰他的“自由的人”,他们恐惧地、顺服地跪在大法官面前,眼看着基督被卫兵抓走。

“现在,就是目前,这些人比任何时候更加坚信自己是完全自由的,而实际上是他们亲自把自己的自由交给我们,服服帖帖地把它放在我们脚下。”大法官认为这样的结果正是他和他手下的人的功劳,因为他们终于压制了自由,为了使人们得到幸福。

这就是大法官的立场:为了人类的幸福否定人的自由。

他对基督说:“对你的警告和指示的次数不能算少了,但是你却一次次不听警告,你放弃了那条唯一可以使人幸福的道路。”

他所说的“警告和指示的次数不能算少”,指的就是圣经中记载的耶稣在开始传道之前所受的魔鬼的三个诱惑(试探)。

当时,耶稣被圣灵引到旷野,受魔鬼的试探。他禁食四十昼夜,后来就饿了。那试探人的进前来,对他说:“你若是神的儿子,可以吩咐这些石头变成食物。”耶稣却回答说:“经上记着说:‘人活着,不是单靠食物,乃是靠神口里所出的一切话。’”

魔鬼就带他进了圣城,叫他站在殿顶上,对他说:“你若是神的儿子,可以跳下去。因为经上记着说:‘主要为你吩咐他的使者,用手托着你,免得你的脚碰在石头上。’”

耶稣对他说:“经上又记着说:‘不可试探主你的神。’”魔鬼又带他上了一座最高的山,将世上的万国与万国的荣华都指给他看,对他说:“你若俯伏拜我,我就把这一切都赐给你。”耶稣说:“撒但退去吧!因为经上记着说:‘当拜主你的神,单要侍奉他。’”

于是魔鬼离了耶稣,有天使来伺候他。(马太福音4:1-11)

从圣经上我们看到,基督拒绝了魔鬼的三个诱惑,照大法官的说法是魔鬼的三个警告。因为大法官认为这是一个“伟大的魔鬼”,并且他认为这三个“诱惑”是加引号的。因为在大法官眼里,魔鬼的三个诱惑不是坏东西,而是切切实实、千真万确的东西。他认为,魔鬼向基督提出的这三个问题是一个奇迹,超越了现有全部的人类智慧,而且是永恒的抽象智慧。“因为这个问题似乎把人类未来的整个历史集合成一个整体,并且预告了它的前途,同时也出现了三个形象,它们囊括了全世界人类本性中所有无法解决的矛盾。”

大法官说,“现在,过了十五个世纪以后,我们看到这三个问题所包含的一切已经被认识、被预告、被证实了,再也不能增添或删减任何内容了。”

现在,对我们来说,经过了不是十五个世纪,而是二十个世纪,特别是二十世纪中,随着极权主义的产生,魔鬼的这三个诱惑在世界历史和人的本性当中,更加直接、更加惨烈地显明出来。所以,圣经,以及宗教大法官的故事,在我们所处的时代仍然具有极为重要的意义,对于我们如何分辨真理和谎言,如何选择人生的道路具有重要的启发作用。

第一个诱惑——将石头变成面包

基督降临人间,想要人们得到自由,“但是他们由于单纯和与生俱来卑劣的天性,不可能正确理解自由,他们对自由感到害怕和恐惧。因为对人类和人类社会来说从来没有什么东西比自由更加无法容忍!”

魔鬼对基督说,“只要你把石头变成面包,那么人类就会像羊群那样跟你走,对你感恩戴德,俯首听命。”但是,这样的跟随是带着恐惧的,因为他们害怕有一天你缩回手,不再供他们面包。

基督拒绝了这种面包换来的驯服。他要的跟随是自由的,出于爱的,而不是作为生存的手段进行的交换。所以在圣经上,当耶稣行使“五饼二鱼”的神迹喂饱了五千人以后,那些人到处追着跟随他,耶稣并没有为此高兴,而是责备他们跟随他是为了“吃饼得饱”,就这样使其中大部分人离他而去。

从作为一个领袖的角度来看,耶稣这样做真是太不明智了。他完全可以先带他们“打土豪,分田地”,等事业成功了再把田地从他们手中收回来。不,基督要的不是这样的跟随者,他不愿利用人卑劣的天性;他要的是有尊严的、有人最初的荣耀形象的自由跟随他的人。所以,基督说,“人不是单靠面包活着。”(这也是中国国内一本陀思妥耶夫斯基的书信选的书名)

但是,“地上的魔鬼为了这面包可以起来反对你,跟你交战,并且战胜你,而大家会跟着他跑,赞美他。”(“东方红,太阳升,中国出了个毛泽东。他为人民谋幸福,他是人民的大救星。”)

这就是马克思主义和社会主义所宣称的:“不存在犯罪,也无所谓罪孽,只有饥肠辘辘的人”,“先填饱他们的肚皮,然后再叫他们讲道德。”

这就是斗地主、公私合营,这就是“我穷我有理”。为了所谓的均贫富,他们掀起了一阵阵血雨腥风,“在你圣殿的废墟上,将耸立起一座新的大厦和可怕的巴比伦塔。”这座新的大厦,新的巴比伦塔,或者叫人间天堂,或者叫共产主义社会,它们在二十世纪给全人类带来了无尽的混乱与苦难。

宗教大法官对人性抱持着轻蔑的看法,认为他们“软弱、渺小、无德无行、不仁不义”,他们对于基督视为宝贵的自由最难以忍受。在他们的心目中,天上的面包不能跟地上的面包相比。这里“天上的面包”指的是人的永恒的自由,他的绝对尊严,他与永恒的联系。“地上的面包”指的就是生活的安宁,肉体的满足,地上的幸福,“岁月静好”。

大法官认为,只有几万个“强者”愿意为了天上的面包自由跟随基督;而还有几百万的“弱者”不能为了天上的面包放弃地上的面包,谁给他们地上的面包,他们就跟随谁,并将自由拱手交出。

大法官指责基督是精英主义者,只把地上那几万个看重天上的面包的强者视为宝贵,而对剩下的几百万贪恋地上面包宁愿放弃自由的人不管不问。大法官说:“我们也关心弱者。”大法官和他的随从们掌管了这些弱者的自由,统治他们,并且是假借基督的名义进行统治。

也就是说,大法官的统治是建立在欺骗的基础上的。他装扮成民主主义者,弱者和被压迫者的朋友,然后声称珍惜爱护他们。他所谓的对弱者的爱其实是对他们的轻蔑。因为他不相信人的崇高来源,认为只有少数人才有能力走上崇高的生命之路,不被地上的面包诱惑,爱天上的面包高于一切。

别尔嘉耶夫说:“宗教大法官的精神,为了虚假的、尘世的爱,而不是为了天上的爱,怀疑人们有登上高山、不断提高的权利,为了同情人们,它号召与自己的兄弟分享贫穷,是贫穷而不是财富。丰富的精神生活被禁止。不准考虑永生,称其为个人主义,只称颂对暂时的关心。你们要卑贱、贫穷,永远放弃自己的自由,到那时候你们才会得到地上的面包,那时候你们才会安宁,那时候大家才会幸福。”

大法官认为弱者不配享有自由,当自由临到弱者身上,他们只想要地上的面包,这种自由对他们来说就成了一种负担和煎熬。“难道你没有想过,假如选择的自由成了他们一种可怕的负担而压得他们喘不过气来,那么他们到最后会放弃甚至反对你的形象和你的真理。”

这些弱者,只看重地上面包的人,他们不准备为自由付上代价,他们不想要真正的信仰,而宁愿选择信仰的代替品——奇迹、神秘和权威。

“世界上有三种力量,只有这三种力量才能永远征服并俘虏这些软弱无能的叛逆的良心,使他们得到幸福——这三种力量就是奇迹、神秘和权威。”

基督把这三种力量都拒绝了。

第二个诱惑——从殿顶往下跳

基督再次拒绝了魔鬼的这个诱惑。他没有跳下来,没有创造奇迹。

就像当他被那些人钉上十字架,那些人在十字架下讽刺他,嘲笑他,对他说:“你如果是神的儿子,就从十字架上下来吧”,“我们就信你。”那时候,他并没有从十字架上下来。

他没有从十字架上下来和他没有从殿顶跳下来的原因是一样的。“你没有从十字架上走下来,你没有走下来的原因还是因为你不想用奇迹征服人,你渴望自由的信仰,而不是奇迹的信仰,你渴望的是自由的爱,而不是奴隶面对将他吓得永远胆战心惊的强权而表现出来的那种奴隶式的狂喜。”

大法官说,“人一旦抛弃了奇迹,同时也就抛弃了上帝。因为人寻找的与其说是上帝,不如说是奇迹。”

这让我想到中国人的“明君崇拜”,“清官崇拜”,他们几千年来就渴望跪在上帝般的君王和官长面前,否则宁愿自相残杀,他们从未想过把领袖当成会犯错的普通人,从未想过把权力关进笼子。所以,香港某无良明星才说“中国人是需要被管的”。可能这就是中国人固有的劣根性,不知自由的宝贵,他们人生最大的目标只是“活着”。

大法官再一次指责基督过于尊重人的自由,尊重到似乎不爱他们,因为他不体贴人的软弱。

而大法官所谓的对人少一点尊重,对他的要求低一些,意思就是诉诸于人们的盲从和无知。那些没有勇气自由地信仰的人,那些不相信基督在十字架上的死是一种胜利、是唯一拯救方式的人,就只好去接受大法官带来的表面的奇迹和人造的神秘,而这一切的底下只不过是欺骗、谎言和暴力而已。

中国战国时期的商鞅有本书叫《商君书》,里面提到“驭民五术”,就和大法官的思想颇为一致:

①壹民(统一思想)

②弱民(国强民弱)

③疲民(一场接一场运动;996)

④辱民(大法官说的:软弱,卑贱;使他们互相检举,内斗)

⑤贫民(剥夺他们多余的财富,使他们每日只为生计奔波,无暇他顾)

“我们纠正了你的行为,把你的行为置于奇迹、神秘和权威的基础之上。”——“我们拥护的不是你,而是他(魔鬼)。”这就是宗教大法官的秘密。

第三个诱惑——向魔鬼下拜

“我们从他那里接受了被你愤然拒绝的东西”,“我们从他那儿接受了罗马和恺撒的宝剑,并且宣布自己是人间的王,唯一的王。”

这就是魔鬼的第三个诱惑。

“假如你听从了伟大的魔鬼的第三个劝告,你就满足了人类在地上追求的一切,那就是:崇拜谁?把良心交给谁?通过什么方式大家才能最后结成一个没有争吵、和睦一致的蚂蚁窝?因为全世界团结一致的要求正是令人们痛苦的第三个也是最后一个问题。整个人类始终追求全世界的联合。”

第三个诱惑在罗马帝国时代表现为对恺撒的崇拜,中世纪时期表现为教皇崇拜,在现代社会体现为极权、独裁国家的领袖崇拜。第三个诱惑是权力归属谁的问题。归属于某一个人,就是极权国家(纳粹德国,斯大林苏联),归属所谓的“人民”,就是多数人的暴政(法国大革命)。而将二者混合起来的就是中国的“文化大革命”。

第三个诱惑重要的体现就是国家崇拜,就是民族主义、爱国主义的甚嚣尘上。他们宣扬领袖崇拜,政党崇拜,打造民族神话,国家神话,让所谓的爱国、爱党、爱领袖变成真理本身,成为人们的集体无意识。

基督拒绝了魔鬼的这一诱惑,拒绝了恺撒的剑,拒绝作地上的王,拒绝这些自我崇拜的国家或全世界的联合,在上帝之外的联合。

这世上总有人因着骄傲和野心要在地上建造巴别塔,为了传扬自己的名。无论是扩张国土(“如果俄罗斯不存在了,我们还要世界干什么?”),还是扩张经济(全球化,一带一路),还是扩张意识形态(共产主义),都是接受了基督所拒绝的魔鬼的第三个诱惑。它的诱惑如此之大,甚至陀思妥耶夫斯基本人在他的思想里都有建立俄罗斯“第三罗马”的梦想,去维护沙皇专制。

在宗教大法官长篇独白快要结束的时候,他用一大段充满恶魔激情的话,表达了他理想中的人类生活,这也是大法官和他几十万手下所统治的数十亿弱者的幸福生活。

这些驯服的羊群,他们所享受的是只配弱者享受的幸福,他们用自由换来的幸福。他们带着恐惧战兢的心偎依在统治者周围,并为这些统治者的强大和聪明感到骄傲。他们的脑子不再胡思乱想。他们被迫劳动,他们也有劳动之余被安排好的空闲时间,用来“背儿歌,练合唱,跳天真烂漫的舞蹈”。他们甚至被允许犯罪、干坏事。

“他们再也不会向我们隐瞒任何秘密”,“我们可以允许或者禁止他们跟妻子或情妇同房,是否生育孩子——这全看他们听话不听话。”

经历过计划生育和无所不在的摄像头监控,经历过人与人互相警惕、互相举报的耳语者年代,经历过高科技的网络审查、许多的词语只能用谐音和拼音代替的时代,你就会深切感受到,宗教大法官梦想中的人类图景,在我们这个时代已经一步步变为了现实。

但是有一点不同,宗教大法官原是在自由的强者之列,他也在沙漠里呆过,吃过蝗虫和草根,后来据说他是“迷途知返”,加入到纠正基督的事业的行列中。而大法官后来的那些徒子徒孙,远比他更卑劣。比如毛泽东,从他被打造的形象来看,他几乎是一个完美的宗教大法官,伟大的舵手,伟大的导师,作风朴素,为官清廉。实际上他不是。他性格乖戾,喜怒无常,心胸狭窄,生活腐化,他连面包都不能提供给那几万万跪在他面前的臣民。

可悲的是他现在仍在被某些组织和个人膜拜着,无论出自假意还是真心。甚至还有人想要回到他统治的那个时代。这是整个民族的悲哀。

这就是宗教大法官所纠正的基督的事业,他们要在地上建造一座巴别塔来传扬自己的名,但最终无一例外的成了烂尾工程。只是在这个过程中,一代一代的人已经成为了这项工程的材料和代价,烂尾的大厦下面埋葬了累累的白骨和无尽的血泪。

在大法官滔滔不绝的言辞下,在他打着同情、爱护弱者的旗号下,我们看到他对人的极度蔑视。他们不讲道德,叛逆成性,眼睛只盯住地上的面包和自我的欲望,他们带着深深的恐惧匍匐在领袖面前,惟恐他们手上的面包重新变成石头。就是他们,为了三十块钱,出卖了自己的灵魂;就是他们,刚刚还在对着基督欢呼“和散那”,转眼就围住他高喊“钉他十字架”。那么,他们只配交出自己的自由,聚在一起成为一个蚂蚁窝吗?

圣经和基督教怎样看待这个问题的呢?怎样看待人的自由?怎样看待魔鬼的问题和人类的命运的呢?

上帝造人之初,是照着自己的形象造人,并且把自己最宝贵的属性——自由,加在了人的身上。

魔鬼是怎么来的?按照基督教的说法,魔鬼本是上帝所造的最高级的天使,只是它因心中高傲背叛了上帝,妄图取代上帝的地位,最后失败坠落地上。从此,它在地上所做的事情只有一件,就是诱惑、败坏上帝所造的人类,以体贴人的地上需要的名义,使人忘记自己神圣的来源,忘记自己跟另一个世界的联系。

上段时间,我无意中看到一部电影,叫《魔鬼代言人》。电影里阿尔帕西诺扮演的魔鬼对基努·里维斯扮演的律师说:“我从开天辟地以来就来到世上,深入人类生活。我挑动了人性一切潜在的欲望,我满足了人类需求却不批判他。为什么?因为即使再顽劣的人,我也不会拒绝他。我热爱人类,我是个人道主义者。”

听起来是不是特别熟悉?因为这就是宗教大法官的思想,甚至言词几乎都一模一样。

魔鬼和大法官所谓的“人道主义”,不过是纵容人性当中幽暗的一面。他们所界定的自由,是不受任何约束的、为所欲为的自由。

但是绝对的自由,正是绝对的枷锁。当人纵容自己的内心欲望时,人就成了欲望的奴隶。而且人不是独自存活于这个世界,当纵容欲望的人聚在一起,人和人之间,族群与族群之间就开始彼此仇恨,互相残杀。然后被大法官这样的欺骗家利用。他们交出自己的自由,结成一个没有争吵、和睦一致的蚂蚁窝。虽然大法官的理想尚未完全实现,现在的世界仍然充满杀戮和动荡,但是各样的小宗教大法官已经出现。真正的自由在这个世界成为了稀缺的东西。

那么,有没有另一条出路呢?人真的无法承受这宝贵的自由么?

回到圣经中,面对魔鬼的三个诱惑,耶稣是怎样胜过的呢?他分别使用了圣经上的三句话:

①“人活着,不是单靠食物,乃是靠神口里所出的一切话。”

②“不可试探主你的神。”

③“当拜主你的神,单要侍奉他。”

我们看到这三句话的共同点,就是面对诱惑的时候,不可忘记上帝,不可忘记和另一个世界的联系,不可忘记魔鬼只是上帝的手下败将,它所有的诱惑都带着欺骗,它应许的满足和荣光都是窃取自上帝的。它最大的目的就是领人进入地狱。

而宗教大法官,这魔鬼的随从,就“沿着那聪明的魔鬼,那可怕的死亡和毁灭的魔鬼所指点的方向前进。为此就应该采取许诺和欺骗的方法,有意识地引导人们走向死亡和毁灭,而且一路上要不断地欺骗他们,让他们不至于发觉要把他们引向何处,让这些可怜的瞎子哪怕在途中还认为自己是幸福的。”

自由人的道路是什么呢?别尔嘉耶夫的回答是:“人不是没有头脑的羊群,不是不能承受揭示秘密的重负、软弱、卑贱的动物,人——是上帝的儿女,他们被授予圣洁的使命,他们有能力承受自由的重负并能够容纳世界的真谛。”

靠着基督,这是能够的。因为两千年前,基督就在旷野胜过了魔鬼的诱惑。我们,这些有神圣来源,有自由意志,有人的尊严的人,也一定能够胜过这些诱惑。

The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor (Part II)

—How do the weak bear freedom

Author: Han Lihua

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: Drawing on *The Grand Inquisitor* and the three temptations in the Bible, this article explores why people abandon their freedom and accept enslavement. It critiques modern totalitarian politics and the cult of personality, while articulating the true Christian view of freedom. The greatest danger to humanity lies not merely in tyranny itself, but in people’s own willingness to trade their freedom for bread, miracles, and authority.

Alyosha said that Jesus was the only one “who could forgive and had the right to forgive”; the edifice of human destiny is not built upon the tears of little girls, but upon Jesus. Alyosha said that Ivan had forgotten Jesus.

Ivan replied that he had not forgotten Jesus, and that he had even written a long poem about Him (titled “The Grand Inquisitor”), which is the famous “The Grand Inquisitor” found in Chapter 5 of Volume 5 of *The Brothers Karamazov*. Although he had not written the poem down, he remembered its content.

As an introduction, Ivan discussed similar poems and plays from past eras—the fashion of “bringing the gods down to earth.” He mentioned Dante, Hugo’s *The Hunchback of Notre-Dame*, and plays performed in Russia before the time of Peter the Great. He also specifically mentioned a long poem from the era of Tatar rule titled *The Virgin’s Journey Through Hell*. Ivan believed the descriptions in that poem were no less impressive than those of Dante.

Ivan said that his epic poem dealt with the same theme: the return of Jesus to the earth, to the human world. Jesus had already promised in the Bible: “I am coming soon” (Revelation 3:11: “I am coming soon; hold fast what you have, so that no one may take your crown.”) Yet as for when He will come, “No one knows about that day or hour, not even the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but only the Father” (Mark 13:32).

Thus, generation after generation, people on earth have awaited His return, “waiting for Him with the faith and heartfelt devotion of those days.”

Fifteen centuries have passed; for a full fifteen centuries, people have received no assurance from heaven. It was precisely at that time that a “new and terrifying heresy” emerged in northern Europe—the Reformation movement that swept across Western Europe. “Those heretics began to blaspheme God and deny miracles, yet the faith of the devout believers, as steadfast as ever, grew even more fervent.” Generation after generation, they prayed: “Lord, come quickly.” Finally, Jesus descended before the supplicants with infinite compassion, returning to those “suffering, sinful, yet childlike people who loved Him.”

It was in the sixteenth century, in Seville, southern Spain, that Jesus once again came down to earth. It was during the era when the Inquisition was at its most rampant. Jesus came here “simply to catch a glimpse of his children, to see the very place where bonfires were lit to burn heretics alive.”

Just the day before, in the city’s main square, “for the glory of God, hundreds of heretics had been burned alive all at once.” He arrived at the square quietly and unnoticed, but strangely, everyone recognized him immediately. … The crowd surged forward irresistibly, surrounding him. … He walked silently among them, a serene smile of infinite compassion on his face. The sun of love burned within his heart, and the radiance of light, wisdom, and strength shone from his eyes, illuminating the people, stirring their souls, and showering them with deep, tender love.”

He restored sight to a blind man and brought a little girl lying in a coffin back to life. Just as he had done during his three years on earth fifteen hundred years earlier.

Just then, the High Priest passed through the square. The book describes him thus: “He was a man of nearly ninety, tall and upright, with a gaunt face and sunken eyes, yet his gaze was piercing, like two sparks of fire.” He witnessed everything that had taken place in the square, so he ordered the guards to seize Jesus and take him to a small, dimly lit, vaulted cell within the ancient building of the Sanhedrin.

When night fell, “in the pitch darkness, the cell’s iron door swung open, and the aged High Priest, carrying a lamp himself, slowly entered the prison. He was alone, and the iron door closed immediately behind him.”

The Grand Inquisitor and Christ stood face to face in that dim cell and began their conversation. In truth, it was no conversation at all, but merely a monologue by the Grand Inquisitor, for from beginning to end, Christ remained silent.

The Chief Justice also told Christ not to answer, reasoning that “you have no right to add anything new to what you have already said,” and that “since you have entrusted everything to the Pope, and everything is now in the Pope’s hands, there is absolutely no need for you to return now—at least not for the time being, so as not to cause any disruption.”

In fact, Jesus remained silent in exactly this way when he was tried by the Jewish high priests back then.

Now, the church He Himself established long ago is once again putting Him on trial, refusing to let Him speak. For, according to the Chief Justice, if Christ were to speak now, it would infringe upon people’s freedom of religion, since people have been freely practicing their faith according to Christ’s words from fifteen hundred years ago. And Christ Himself regarded freedom of religion as more precious than anything else. “You will know the truth, and the truth will set you free.” (John 8:32)

The Chief Justice said that earlier that day, in the square, Christ had seen those “free people” who believed in him, kneeling before the Chief Justice in fear and submission as they watched Christ being led away by the guards.

“Now, at this very moment, these people are more convinced than ever that they are completely free, when in reality they have personally handed over their freedom to us, placing it meekly at our feet.” ”The Chief Justice believed that this outcome was entirely due to his own efforts and those of his subordinates, for they had finally suppressed freedom in order to bring happiness to the people.

This was the Chief Justice’s stance: to deny human freedom for the sake of human happiness.

He said to Christ, “The number of warnings and instructions given to you was by no means small, yet time and again you refused to heed them; you have abandoned the only path that can lead to human happiness.”

By “the warnings and instructions were not few,” he was referring to the three temptations (tests) by the devil that Jesus faced before beginning his ministry, as recorded in the Bible.

At that time, Jesus was led by the Holy Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted by the devil. He fasted for forty days and nights, and afterward he was hungry. Then the tempter came to him and said, “ ‘If you are the Son of God, command these stones to become bread.’ But Jesus answered, ‘It is written: “Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that comes from the mouth of God.”’

Then the devil took him to the holy city, set him on the pinnacle of the temple, and said to him, ‘If you are the Son of God, throw yourself down. For it is written: “ ‘He will command his angels concerning you, and they will lift you up in their hands, so that you will not strike your foot against a stone.’”

Jesus said to him, “It is also written: ‘Do not put the Lord your God to the test.’” The devil took him to a very high mountain and showed him all the kingdoms of the world and their splendor. He said to him, “ “If you will worship me, I will give you all these things.” Jesus said, “Be gone, Satan! For it is written: ‘You shall worship the Lord your God and serve Him only.’”

Then the devil left Him, and angels came and attended Him.

(Matthew 4:1–11)

From the Bible, we see that Christ rejected the devil’s three temptations—which, according to the Chief Justice, were the devil’s three warnings. This is because the Chief Justice regarded this as a “great devil,” and he viewed these three “temptations” as being in quotation marks. In the Chief Justice’s eyes, the devil’s three temptations were not evil things, but rather tangible, undeniable realities. He believed that these three questions posed by the devil to Christ were a miracle, transcending all existing human wisdom and representing eternal, abstract wisdom. “For this question seems to synthesize the entire future history of humanity into a single whole, foretelling its destiny, while simultaneously presenting three images that encompass all the insoluble contradictions within the human nature of the entire world.”

The Grand Judge said, “Now, fifteen centuries later, we see that everything contained in these three questions has been recognized, foretold, and confirmed; nothing can be added or subtracted from them.”

For us today, it has not been fifteen centuries but twenty—and particularly in the twentieth century, with the rise of totalitarianism, these three temptations of the devil have become even more direct and brutal in world history and human nature. Therefore, the Bible, along with the story of the Chief Justice, remains of immense significance in our time, offering vital insights into how we discern truth from falsehood and choose our path in life.

The First Temptation—Turning Stones into Bread

Christ came into the world so that people might attain freedom, “but because of their simplicity and innate baseness, they are incapable of understanding freedom properly; they are afraid of and terrified by it. For nothing is more intolerable to humanity and human society than freedom!”

The devil said to Christ, “If you turn stones into bread, then humanity will follow you like a flock of sheep, grateful to you and obedient to your every command.” But such following is born of fear, for they fear that one day you will withdraw your hand and no longer provide them with bread.

Christ rejected this kind of submission bought with bread. The following he sought was free and born of love, not a transaction conducted as a means of survival. Thus, in the Bible, after Jesus performed the miracle of the “five loaves and two fish” to feed five thousand people, and those people began chasing after him everywhere, Jesus was not pleased. Instead, he rebuked them for following him merely to “be filled with bread,” causing most of them to leave him.

From a leader’s perspective, Jesus’s actions were truly unwise. He could easily have led them first to “seize the landlords’ property and redistribute the land,” only to take the land back from them once his cause succeeded. No, Christ did not want such followers; he refused to exploit people’s base nature. He sought those who would follow him freely, with dignity and bearing the original image of God’s glory. Thus, Christ said, “Man does not live by bread alone.” (This is also the title of a collection of Dostoevsky’s letters published in China.)

But, “the devil on earth will rise up against you for this bread, wage war against you, and defeat you, while everyone will follow him and praise him.” (“The East is red, the sun is rising; China has produced Mao Zedong. He seeks happiness for the people; he is the people’s great savior.”)

This is what Marxism and socialism proclaim: “There is no such thing as crime, nor is there any concept of sin; there are only starving people,” and “Fill their bellies first, then teach them morality.”

This is the campaign against landlords, the public-private partnerships—this is the logic of “I am poor, therefore I am right.” In the name of so-called wealth redistribution, they unleashed wave after wave of bloodshed and violence: “Upon the ruins of your sanctuary, a new edifice and a dreadful Tower of Babel shall rise.” This new edifice, this new Tower of Babel—whether called the “paradise on earth” or “communist society”—brought endless chaos and suffering to all humanity in the twentieth century.

The religious grand justices hold a contemptuous view of human nature, regarding people as “weak, insignificant, immoral, and unjust.” They find Christ’s cherished freedom most intolerable. In their minds, the bread of heaven cannot be compared to the bread of earth. Here, “the bread of heaven” refers to man’s eternal freedom, his absolute dignity, and his connection to eternity. “Earthly bread” refers to the tranquility of life, physical satisfaction, earthly happiness, and “peaceful days.”

The Grand Inquisitor believed that only a few tens of thousands of “strong” individuals were willing to follow Christ for the sake of heavenly freedom; yet there were millions of “weak” people who could not give up earthly bread for heavenly bread. They would follow whoever provided them with earthly bread and willingly surrender their freedom.

The Chief Justice accused Christ of being an elitist, valuing only those tens of thousands on earth who cherish the bread of heaven, while ignoring the remaining millions who are so attached to the bread of this world that they are willing to give up their freedom. The Chief Justice said, “We, too, care for the weak.” The Chief Justice and his entourage have taken control of these weak ones’ freedom, ruling over them—and doing so in the name of Christ.

In other words, the Grand Inquisitor’s rule is built on deception. He disguises himself as a democrat, a friend of the weak and the oppressed, and then claims to cherish and care for them. His so-called love for the weak is, in fact, contempt for them. For he does not believe in the noble origins of humanity; he believes that only a select few are capable of walking the path of a noble life, of not being tempted by earthly bread, and of loving heavenly bread above all else.

Berdyayev said: “The spirit of the religious Grand Inquisitor, for the sake of false, earthly love rather than heavenly love, doubts that people have the right to climb high mountains and constantly improve themselves; out of compassion for people, it calls for sharing poverty with one’s brothers—poverty, not wealth. A rich spiritual life is forbidden. It is forbidden to contemplate eternal life; such contemplation is called individualism, and only concern for the transient is praised. ‘You must be lowly and poor, forever renouncing your freedom; only then will you receive the bread of the earth, only then will you find peace, and only then will everyone be happy.’”

The Chief Justice believed that the weak are unworthy of freedom; when freedom comes to them, they desire only the bread of this earth, and such freedom becomes a burden and a torment to them. “Have you not considered that if the freedom to choose becomes a terrible burden that crushes them and leaves them gasping for breath, they will ultimately abandon—or even oppose—your image and your truth?”

These weak ones, who value only the bread of this earth, are not prepared to pay the price for freedom. They do not want true faith, but rather choose substitutes for faith—miracles, mystery, and authority.

“There are three powers in the world, and only these three can forever conquer and captivate these weak, rebellious consciences, bringing them happiness—these three powers are miracles, mystery, and authority.”

Christ rejected all three of these powers.

The Second Temptation—Jumping from the Temple Roof

Christ again rejected this temptation from the devil. He did not jump down; he did not perform a miracle.

Just as when he was nailed to the cross, and those people mocked him and ridiculed him from below, saying, “If you are the Son of God, come down from the cross,” “and we will believe in you.” At that time, he did not come down from the cross.

The reason He did not come down from the cross is the same as why He did not jump from the temple roof. “You did not come down from the cross; the reason you did not come down is that you did not wish to conquer people with miracles. You longed for a faith rooted in freedom, not a faith in miracles. You longed for a love of freedom, not the slavish ecstasy a slave displays before a power that terrifies him into perpetual fear.”

The Chief Justice said, “Once a person abandons miracles, he simultaneously abandons God. For what people seek is not so much God as it is miracles.”

This reminds me of the Chinese people’s “worship of enlightened rulers” and “worship of incorruptible officials.” For thousands of years, they have yearned to kneel before monarchs and officials who are treated as gods; otherwise, they would rather turn on one another. They have never considered treating leaders as ordinary people capable of making mistakes, nor have they ever thought to cage power. That is why a certain unscrupulous celebrity in Hong Kong once said, “The Chinese people need to be controlled.” Perhaps this is an inherent flaw in the Chinese character—an ignorance of the preciousness of freedom. Their greatest goal in life is simply “to survive.”

The Chief Justice once again accused Christ of placing too much emphasis on human freedom, to the point where it seemed as though He did not love them, because He did not take into account human weakness.

What the Chief Justice means by “showing people a little less respect” and “lowering his standards for them” is, in essence, appealing to people’s blind obedience and ignorance. Those who lack the courage to believe freely, those who do not believe that Christ’s death on the cross was a victory and the only path to salvation, have no choice but to accept the superficial miracles and artificial mysteries brought by the Chief Justice—yet beneath all this lie nothing but deception, lies, and violence.

Shang Yang, a statesman from China’s Warring States period, wrote a book titled *The Book of Lord Shang*, which mentions the “Five Techniques for Governing the People”—ideas that align quite closely with the Grand Judge’s philosophy:

① Unify the People (Unify their thoughts)

② Weaken the People (A strong state, weak people)

③ Exhaust the People (One campaign after another; 996 work schedule)

④ Humiliate the People (As the Grand Judge says: Weakness, lowliness; make them denounce one another and fight among themselves)

⑤ Impoverish the People (Strip them of surplus wealth, forcing them to struggle daily just to survive, leaving them no time for anything else)

“We have corrected your behavior, grounding it in miracles, mystery, and authority.” — “We do not support you, but him (the Devil).” This is the secret of the religious Grand Inquisitor.

The Third Temptation—Bowing Down to the Devil

“We have accepted from him what you have indignantly rejected,” “We have accepted from him the sword of Rome and Caesar, and have proclaimed ourselves the King of the Earth, the sole King.”

This is the Devil’s third temptation.

“If you heed the great devil’s third counsel, you will satisfy all that humanity seeks on earth, namely: whom to worship? To whom to entrust one’s conscience? By what means can all people finally unite into a harmonious, conflict-free anthill? For the demand for global unity is precisely the third and final problem that causes people suffering. All of humanity has always sought the union of the entire world.”

The third temptation manifested as the worship of Caesar in the Roman Empire, as the worship of the Pope in the Middle Ages, and as the cult of personality in totalitarian and dictatorial states in modern society. The third temptation is the question of to whom power belongs. If power belongs to a single individual, it results in a totalitarian state (Nazi Germany, Stalinist Soviet Union); if it belongs to the so-called “people,” it leads to the tyranny of the majority (the French Revolution). A blend of the two is what we see in China’s “Cultural Revolution.”

A key manifestation of the third temptation is the worship of the state—the rampant rise of nationalism and patriotism. They promote the cult of the leader and the cult of the party, fabricating national and state myths, turning so-called love for the country, the party, and the leader into truth itself, embedding it into the collective unconscious of the people.

Christ rejected this temptation from the devil; He rejected Caesar’s sword, refused to be a king on earth, and rejected these self-worshipping nations or the union of the whole world—any union apart from God.

There are always those in this world who, driven by pride and ambition, seek to build a Tower of Babel on earth to exalt their own names. Whether it be the expansion of territory (“If Russia ceases to exist, what use is the world to us?”), the expansion of the economy (globalization, the Belt and Road Initiative), or the expansion of ideology (communism), all of these amount to accepting the devil’s third temptation—the very one Christ rejected. Its allure is so great that even Dostoevsky himself harbored, in his thoughts, the dream of establishing Russia as the “Third Rome” to uphold the tsarist autocracy.

Toward the end of the Grand Inquisitor’s lengthy monologue, he uses a passage brimming with diabolical fervor to describe his ideal human existence—a blissful life for the billions of the weak ruled by him and his hundreds of thousands of subordinates.

These tamed sheep enjoy a happiness fit only for the weak—a happiness they have traded for their freedom. With hearts trembling with fear, they huddle around their rulers, taking pride in the rulers’ strength and wisdom. Their minds no longer wander. They are forced to labor, yet they are also granted scheduled leisure time after work to “recite nursery rhymes, practice choral singing, and perform innocent, carefree dances.” They are even permitted to commit crimes and do wrong.

“They will never hide any secrets from us again,” “We can permit or forbid them from sleeping with their wives or mistresses, or from having children—it all depends on whether they obey us.”

Having lived through family planning and ubiquitous camera surveillance, having lived through the era of the Whisperers where people were constantly on guard against one another and ratted each other out, having lived through an era of high-tech internet censorship where many words could only be replaced with homophones or pinyin, you will deeply feel that the vision of humanity dreamed up by the Grand Inquisitor has, in our time, gradually become a reality.

But there is one key difference: the Grand Inquisitor originally belonged to the ranks of the free and powerful. He too had wandered in the desert, eating locusts and the roots of plants, and later, it is said, “saw the error of his ways” and joined the cause of correcting Christ. Yet the Grand Inquisitor’s later disciples and successors were far more despicable than he was. Take Mao Zedong, for example. Judging by the image crafted for him, he was almost a perfect Religious Grand Inquisitor—a great helmsman, a great mentor, frugal in his ways, and incorruptible in office. In reality, he was not. He had a volatile temperament, was capricious, narrow-minded, and led a corrupt life; he could not even provide bread for the hundreds of millions of subjects kneeling before him.

Tragically, he is still worshipped today by certain organizations and individuals, whether out of insincerity or genuine devotion. Some even yearn to return to the era of his rule. This is a tragedy for the entire nation.

This is the work of Christ that the religious high priests have perverted: they seek to build a Tower of Babel on earth to exalt their own names, yet without exception, these projects have ended as unfinished ruins. Yet in this process, generation after generation has become the building material and the cost of this project; beneath the unfinished edifice lie heaps of bleached bones and an endless sea of blood and tears.

Beneath the Grand Inquisitor’s endless rhetoric, beneath his banner of compassion and care for the weak, we see his utter contempt for humanity. They are immoral and rebellious by nature, their eyes fixed only on earthly bread and their own desires. They crawl before their leaders in deep fear, dreading that the bread in their hands might turn back into stones. It is they who sold their souls for thirty pieces of silver; it is they who, having just shouted “Hosanna” to Christ, instantly surrounded him, screaming, “Crucify him!” So, are they only fit to surrender their freedom and gather together to form an anthill?

How do the Bible and Christianity view this issue? How do they view human freedom? How do they view the problem of the devil and the fate of humanity?

When God first created man, He created him in His own image and endowed him with His most precious attribute—freedom.

How did the devil come to be? According to Christian teaching, the devil was originally the highest-ranking angel created by God. However, driven by pride, he rebelled against God, attempting to usurp God’s position, and ultimately failed, falling to earth. From that point on, he has had but one purpose on earth: to tempt and corrupt the human beings God created. Under the guise of catering to people’s earthly needs, he causes them to forget their divine origin and sever their connection to the other world.

A while back, I happened to come across a movie called *The Devil’s Advocate*. In the film, the devil, played by Al Pacino, says to the lawyer, played by Keanu Reeves: “I have been in this world since the dawn of time, deeply immersed in human life. I have stirred up every latent desire in human nature; I have satisfied human needs without judging them. Why? Because no matter how wicked a person may be, I will never reject them. I love humanity; I am a humanitarian.”

Doesn’t that sound particularly familiar? Because this is precisely the ideology of the Grand Inquisitor—even the wording is almost identical.

The so-called “humanitarianism” of the Devil and the Grand Inquisitor is nothing more than an indulgence of the dark side of human nature. The freedom they define is a freedom without any constraints, a freedom to do as one pleases.

But absolute freedom is, in fact, an absolute shackle. When people indulge their inner desires, they become slaves to those desires. Moreover, humans do not exist in isolation in this world; when those who indulge their desires gather together, hatred begins to breed between individuals and between groups, leading to mutual slaughter. They are then exploited by deceivers like the “Grand Judge.” People surrender their freedom to form a harmonious, conflict-free colony, much like an anthill. Although the Grand Judge’s ideal has not yet been fully realized—the world remains filled with violence and turmoil—various “minor Grand Judges” have already emerged. True freedom has become a rare commodity in this world.

So, is there another way out? Are humans truly incapable of bearing this precious freedom?

Returning to the Bible, how did Jesus overcome the devil’s three temptations? He used three verses from Scripture:

① “Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceeds from the mouth of God.”

② “You shall not put the Lord your God to the test.”

③ “Worship the Lord your God and serve Him only.”

We see that the common thread in these three verses is this: when facing temptation, we must not forget God; we must not forget our connection to the other world; and we must not forget that the devil is merely a defeated foe of God. All his temptations are laced with deception, and the fulfillment and glory he promises are stolen from God. His ultimate goal is to lead people into hell.

And the Grand Inquisitor, this servant of the devil, “marches in the direction pointed out by that cunning devil, that dreadful devil of death and destruction.” “To this end, one must employ the methods of promise and deception, consciously guiding people toward death and destruction, and along the way constantly deceiving them so that they do not realize where they are being led, allowing these poor blind souls to believe, even in the midst of their journey, that they are happy.”

What, then, is the path of the free? Berdyaev’s answer is: “Man is not a mindless flock, nor a weak and base animal incapable of bearing the burden of revealed secrets. Man—as a child of God—is entrusted with a sacred mission; he possesses the capacity to bear the burden of freedom and to embrace the true essence of the world.”

Through Christ, this is possible. For two thousand years ago, Christ overcame the devil’s temptations in the wilderness. We, who have a divine origin, free will, and human dignity, can certainly overcome these temptations as well.

黑暗中的灯火

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黑暗中的灯火

——我与北京锡安教会的信仰见证

作者:缪青

编辑:周志刚 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

2025年10月11日清晨,旧金山湾区的天空刚刚泛起一层淡淡的晨光,太平洋的海风仍带着夜色的微凉。那是一个平静得不能再平静的清晨。然而就在这样的时刻,一条来自中国的消息,如同骤然划破天空的闪电,打破了我内心的宁静。

中共当局在全国范围内展开突袭行动,对北京锡安教会的牧师、传道人和信徒进行大规模抓捕。在短短数小时之内,已有三十余人被带走或失联。当我看到被抓捕人员名单时,几个熟悉的名字赫然映入眼帘:金明日牧师,王林牧师,高颖佳牧师,尹会彬长老,米沙传道……

那一刻,我的心仿佛被什么重重击中。

震惊、悲痛、难以置信。

这些人并不是新闻中遥远的名字,而是我曾经一同祷告、一起查经、一起服事的牧者与同工。他们温和、谦卑、虔诚,在许多人的生命中留下了深刻的印记。

然而此刻,他们却因信仰而被拘押。他们没有暴力,没有阴谋,也没有政治野心。他们唯一的“罪名”,只是坚持自由地敬拜上帝。

在中国漫长而复杂的宗教历史中,这样的故事并不陌生。但当它降临在自己熟悉的人身上时,那种沉重与痛楚,却远远超出新闻文字所能表达的范围。

那一刻,我久久无言。

黑暗中的灯火

北京锡安教会:金明日牧师(右四)、王林牧师(右三)、高颖佳牧师(右五)、尹会彬长老(右一)

一、信仰的起点:2002年的受洗

我的名字叫缪青。在公共身份上,我在《北京之春》和《在野党》两家刊物任旧金山记者站站长和采访记者。但在这些身份之外,我同时也是北京锡安教会一名普通的基督徒。

2002年,我在重庆渝中区的基督教圣爱堂受洗。那时的我年轻而懵懂,对信仰的理解还十分有限,只是觉得,在教堂里可以找到一种久违的宁静。在那个充满现实压力的社会环境中,那种宁静显得格外珍贵。

然而不久之后,我逐渐意识到一个现实问题。

圣爱堂属于中国官方的“三自教会体系”,其宗教活动受到国家宗教事务部门的严格管理。在一些主日讲道中,我开始听到一些与福音并不完全相关的政治话语。一些牧师需要在讲道中强调“爱国爱教”,甚至引用政治口号。

这种现象让我逐渐产生困惑。信仰是否必须附属于政治?教会是否可以真正独立存在?

2003年,我离开了圣爱堂。从那以后,我仿佛进入了一段漫长的信仰漂泊。在之后十余年的时间里,我依然祷告、读经,也偶尔参加一些小型聚会,但始终没有找到真正的属灵归宿。

二、漂泊中的光:重庆锡安磐石堂

直到2018年,我在重庆偶然听到一个消息:有一家庭教会:北京锡安教会在重庆设立了一个分堂,名叫重庆锡安磐石堂。

第一次参加磐石堂聚会时,我就感到一种久违的属灵震动。磐石堂的弟兄姊妹通过网络,与北京锡安教会同步敬拜和查经。当我第一次听到金明日牧师讲道时,我几乎立刻意识到:这正是我多年寻找的教会。他的讲道没有政治口号,没有意识形态的修辞。只有圣经本身。那种力量来自信仰,而不是来自任何权力。在那一刻,我感到自己终于重新找到了属灵的家。

锡安会的信众通过网络与锡安教会牧师的主日敬拜活动现场

三、北京锡安教会的诞生

北京锡安教会成立于2007年6月3日,是中国最具影响力的城市家庭教会之一。创办人是金明日牧师。

金牧师出生于黑龙江,是朝鲜族。他早年就读于燕京神学院,后来赴美国富勒神学院深造,获得新约神学博士学位。他既有深厚的神学训练,又拥有谦卑温和的牧者气质。在2000年代,中国城市社会正在发生巨大变化。大量知识分子、白领、律师、企业家开始接触基督教信仰。

他们既追求理性,也渴望灵性的归属。

北京锡安教会正是在这样的社会背景下成长起来。在最鼎盛时期,教会每周主日聚会人数超过1500人。这不仅是一间教会的规模,更象征着中国城市家庭教会的一种新形态。

四、我所认识的牧者们

我与金明日牧师正式见面,是在2023年一次灵修讲座之后。那时我已经在北京工作生活。讲座结束后,金牧师主动为我和我的家人祷告祝福。他的声音温和而沉静。在那一刻,我在他的目光中看见一种极为纯粹的信仰力量。

高颖佳牧师则是另一种性格。他热情、温暖、富有行动力。2023年冬天,北京锡安教会曾组织一次慈善义卖活动,帮助那些因疫情“白肺”而陷入困境的儿童家庭。高牧师是主要组织者之一。当他得知我捐赠了一些义卖物品后,特地向我表达感谢,并与我合影留念。

他的笑容让我明白一件事:信仰不是抽象的理论,而是行动中的爱。

尹会彬长老则常常默默在幕后工作。他负责协调物资运输与分发。做事认真踏实,不辞辛苦。

而米沙传道,则是一位充满爱心的姊妹。

她在我们北京锡安会方庄堂负责日常事务。每个主日,她总是最早到达聚会地点,准备茶水和食物,迎接每一位弟兄姊妹。

每逢节日教会团契,她总是喜欢给教会的弟兄姊妹包饺子。她包饺子的速度很快,也很好吃。

那种温暖,让人仿佛回到家中。

五、中国家庭教会七十年的历史

要理解北京锡安教会,就必须理解中国家庭教会的历史。

1949年之后,中国共产党建立政权。1950年代,政府推动宗教改造,建立“三自爱国运动委员会”。

所有教会必须纳入国家管理。

但许多信徒认为,教会不应完全依附政治。于是,一种新的信仰形态逐渐出现:家庭教会。

这些教会在私人住宅聚会,不受官方管理。在中共文革期间,几乎所有宗教活动被禁止。但家庭教会仍然秘密存在。

改革开放以后,它们迅速复兴。到21世纪,中国家庭教会信徒人数已经达到数千万。

北京锡安教会正是在这一历史传统中成长起来的。

六、制度冲突:信仰与权力

北京锡安教会事件,本质上是一种制度冲突。中国政治体系要求所有社会组织接受党的领导。

而基督教信仰强调:上帝高于一切世俗权力。

当教会坚持信仰独立时,就不可避免地与政治权力产生冲突。这种冲突,在中国已经持续了几十年。

从更广阔的历史视角来看,宗教自由并不是一个简单的政治口号。它是人类文明经过数百年斗争才获得的一项基本权利。17世纪欧洲宗教战争造成巨大灾难。

最终,人们逐渐认识到:信仰必须是自由的。

1776年美国独立革命,第一次在国家制度中确立宗教自由原则。

二战之后,《世界人权宣言》再次确认宗教自由是基本人权。

七、2025年“109教案”

2025年10月11日发生中国的针对北京锡安会教会牧者,信众成员的抓捕事件,很快被海外媒体称为:中国2025年109教案。

到2026年初,据国际人权组织统计显示:北京锡安会教会牧者,信众有超过40名教会成员被拘押。

国际社会迅速作出反应。

美国国务院、欧盟、英国外交部门相继发表声明。

联合国宗教自由特别报告员也对事件表示关注。

海外制作的抗议海报

八、信仰的力量

在历史上,每一次信仰被压制的时候,往往也是信仰最坚强的时候。

罗马帝国迫害基督徒三百年。但基督教最终改变了整个文明。

历史一再证明:信仰可以被压制,却无法被消灭。回望我的信仰旅程,从2002年的受洗,到2026年的今日。我逐渐明白:信仰从来不是一条安逸的道路,它更像是一条背负十字架的旅程。

北京锡安教会给予我的,不只是信仰的归宿,更让我看见:真正的教会,并不依附任何权力。它存在于信徒彼此相爱的团契之中!存在于那些在黑暗中仍然守望光明的人心里!

历史终将过去,政权也终将更迭。

但信仰的火焰,却会在一代又一代人的心中继续燃烧。当未来的历史学家回望这个时代时,也许会发现:那些在地下室祷告的人,那些在黑夜中聚会的人,那些因为信仰而被带走的人,正是这个时代真正的光。

而北京锡安教会,正是我信仰归途中见过的,最温柔、也最坚强的一束光。

A Light in the Darkness

——My Testimony of Faith with Beijing Zion Church

Author: Miao Qing

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: On October 11, 2025, the Chinese Communist Party launched a crackdown on Beijing Zion Church. The author shares his religious journey, the sincerity and kindness of Beijing Zion Church members, the importance of religious freedom, and the power of faith.

In the early morning of October 11, 2025, a faint glow of dawn was just beginning to appear in the sky over the San Francisco Bay Area, and the Pacific breeze still carried the slight chill of the night. It was a morning as peaceful as could be. Yet at that very moment, news from China struck like a bolt of lightning splitting the sky, shattering the tranquility within my heart.

The Chinese Communist authorities launched a nationwide raid, carrying out mass arrests of pastors, preachers, and believers from Beijing Zion Church. Within just a few hours, more than thirty people had been taken away or were unaccounted for. When I saw the list of those arrested, several familiar names immediately caught my eye: Pastor Jin Mingri, Pastor Wang Lin, Pastor Gao Yingjia, Elder Yin Huibin, Preacher Mi Sha…

In that moment, it felt as though my heart had been struck by a heavy blow.

Shock, grief, disbelief.

These people are not distant names in the news, but pastors and fellow workers with whom I once prayed, studied the Bible, and served together. They are gentle, humble, and devout, having left a deep imprint on the lives of many.

Yet now, they have been detained for their faith. They have committed no violence, hatched no conspiracies, and harbored no political ambitions. Their only “crime” is simply insisting on the freedom to worship God.

In China’s long and complex religious history, such stories are not uncommon. But when it happens to people I know personally, the weight and pain far exceed what words in a news article can convey.

At that moment, I was speechless for a long time.

黑暗中的灯火

Beijing Zion Church: Pastor Jin Mingri (fourth from right), Pastor Wang Lin (third from right), Pastor Gao Yingjia (fifth from right), Elder Yin Huibin (first from right)

I. The Beginning of Faith: My Baptism in 2002

My name is Miao Qing. Professionally, I serve as the San Francisco bureau chief and a reporter for the publications *Beijing Spring* and *The Opposition*. But beyond these roles, I am also an ordinary Christian at Beijing Zion Church.

In 2002, I was baptized at the Christian Holy Love Church in Yuzhong District, Chongqing. At that time, I was young and naive, with a very limited understanding of faith. I simply felt that I could find a long-lost sense of peace within the church. In a social environment filled with the pressures of reality, that peace seemed especially precious.

However, not long after, I gradually became aware of a practical problem.

Holy Love Church belongs to China’s official “Three-Self Church system,” and its religious activities are strictly regulated by the state’s religious affairs department. In some Sunday sermons, I began to hear political rhetoric that was not entirely related to the Gospel. Some pastors felt compelled to emphasize “love for the country and the church” in their sermons, even quoting political slogans.

This phenomenon gradually left me perplexed. Must faith be subordinate to politics? Can the church truly exist independently?

In 2003, I left Holy Love Church. From then on, I seemed to enter a long period of spiritual wandering. Over the next decade or so, I continued to pray and read the Bible, and occasionally attended small gatherings, but I never found a true spiritual home.

II. A Light in the Midst of Wandering: Chongqing Zion Rock Church

It wasn’t until 2018 that I happened to hear news in Chongqing: a house church, Beijing Zion Church, had established a branch in Chongqing called Chongqing Zion Rock Church.

The very first time I attended a service at Rock Church, I felt a long-lost spiritual stir. The brothers and sisters at Rock Church worshiped and studied the Bible in sync with Beijing Zion Church via the internet. When I first heard Pastor Jin Mingri preach, I realized almost immediately: this was the church I had been searching for all these years. His sermons contained no political slogans, no ideological rhetoric. Only the Bible itself. That power came from faith, not from any authority. In that moment, I felt I had finally found my spiritual home again.

Members of the Zion Church connect online with the live Sunday worship service led by the pastors of the Zion Church

III. The Founding of Beijing Zion Church

Beijing Zion Church was established on June 3, 2007, and is one of the most influential urban house churches in China. Its founder is Pastor Kim Myung-il.

Pastor Kim was born in Heilongjiang and is of Korean ethnicity. He attended Yenching Theological Seminary in his early years and later pursued advanced studies at Fuller Theological Seminary in the United States, where he earned a Doctor of Theology degree in New Testament studies. He possesses both a deep theological foundation and the humble, gentle demeanor of a pastor. In the 2000s, China’s urban society was undergoing tremendous changes. A large number of intellectuals, white-collar workers, lawyers, and entrepreneurs began to explore the Christian faith.

They sought both rationality and a sense of spiritual belonging.

It was against this social backdrop that Beijing Zion Church flourished. At its peak, the church’s weekly Sunday services drew over 1,500 attendees. This was not merely the scale of a single congregation; it symbolized a new form of urban house church in China.

IV. The Pastors I Have Known

I first met Pastor Jin Mingri formally after a spiritual retreat in 2023. By then, I had already been living and working in Beijing. After the lecture, Pastor Jin took the initiative to pray for and bless me and my family. His voice was gentle and calm. In that moment, I saw in his eyes a profoundly pure power of faith.

Pastor Gao Yingjia, on the other hand, has a different personality. He is passionate, warm, and proactive. In the winter of 2023, Beijing Zion Church organized a charity bazaar to help families with children who had fallen on hard times due to “white lung” caused by the pandemic. Pastor Gao was one of the main organizers. When he learned that I had donated some items for the sale, he made a point of thanking me and took a photo with me.

His smile made me realize one thing: faith is not an abstract theory, but love in action.

Elder Yin Huibin, on the other hand, often works quietly behind the scenes. He is responsible for coordinating the transportation and distribution of supplies. He is diligent and down-to-earth, never shirking from hard work.

As for Sister Mi Sha, she is a sister full of love.

She handles daily affairs at our Beijing Zion Church Fangzhuang Congregation. Every Sunday, she is always the first to arrive at the meeting place, preparing tea and food to welcome every brother and sister.

Whenever there is a church fellowship during holidays, she always enjoys making dumplings for the brothers and sisters in the church. She makes them quickly, and they taste delicious.

That warmth makes people feel as if they’ve returned home.

V. Seventy Years of History of China’s House Churches

To understand the Beijing Zion Church, one must understand the history of China’s house churches.

After 1949, the Communist Party of China established its regime. In the 1950s, the government promoted religious reform and established the “Three-Self Patriotic Movement Committee.”

All churches were required to come under state control.

However, many believers felt that the church should not be entirely subservient to politics. Consequently, a new form of worship gradually emerged: the house church.

These churches gathered in private homes, free from official oversight. During the Chinese Communist Party’s Cultural Revolution, nearly all religious activities were banned. Yet house churches continued to exist in secret.

Following the Reform and Opening-Up policy, they experienced a rapid revival. By the 21st century, the number of believers in China’s house churches had reached tens of millions.

The Beijing Zion Church grew out of this historical tradition.

VI. Institutional Conflict: Faith and Power

The Beijing Zion Church incident is, at its core, a conflict of institutions. China’s political system requires all social organizations to accept the Party’s leadership.

Christian faith, however, emphasizes that God is above all secular power.

When the church insists on the independence of its faith, conflict with political power becomes inevitable. This conflict has persisted in China for decades.

From a broader historical perspective, religious freedom is not merely a political slogan. It is a fundamental right that human civilization has secured only after centuries of struggle. The religious wars of 17th-century Europe caused immense devastation.

Ultimately, people gradually came to recognize that faith must be free.

The American Revolution of 1776 established the principle of religious freedom within a national system for the first time.

After World War II, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights reaffirmed that religious freedom is a fundamental human right.

After World War II, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights reaffirmed that religious freedom is a fundamental human right.

VII. The “2025 109 Religious Case”

On October 11, 2025, a series of arrests targeting pastors and members of the Beijing Zion Church took place in China. Overseas media soon dubbed this event the “2025 109 Religious Case.”

By early 2026, statistics from international human rights organizations indicated that more than 40 members of the Beijing Zion Church, including pastors and congregants, had been detained.

The international community reacted swiftly.

The U.S. State Department, the European Union, and the British Foreign Office issued statements in succession.

The UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief also expressed concern over the incident.

Protest posters created overseas

VIII. The Power of Faith

Throughout history, whenever faith has been suppressed, it has often been at its strongest.

The Roman Empire persecuted Christians for three hundred years. Yet Christianity ultimately transformed the entire civilization.

History has repeatedly proven that faith can be suppressed, but it cannot be eradicated. Looking back on my journey of faith, from my baptism in 2002 to today in 2026, I have gradually come to understand: faith is never a path of ease; it is more like a journey of carrying the cross.

What the Beijing Zion Church has given me is not merely a spiritual home; it has also shown me that a true church does not depend on any form of power. It exists in the fellowship of believers who love one another! It exists in the hearts of those who continue to watch for the light even in the darkness!

History will eventually pass, and regimes will eventually change.

But the flame of faith will continue to burn in the hearts of generation after generation. When future historians look back on this era, they may discover that those who prayed in basements, those who gathered in the darkness, and those who were taken away for their faith were, in fact, the true light of this age.

And Beijing Zion Church is the gentlest yet strongest beam of light I have encountered on my journey of faith.

铁窗之外的母亲

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铁窗之外的母亲
铁窗之外的母亲

——读牛腾宇母亲写给狱中儿子的生日信

作者:张晓丽

编辑:胡丽莉 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

3月12日,是牛腾宇的生日。

在一个正常的家庭里,生日本该意味着团聚、祝福和笑声。然而在中国的现实中,这一天却成了一个母亲独自写信的日子。她的儿子无法回家,无法与家人团聚,只能在铁窗之内度过自己的生日。

这封信,来自牛腾宇的母亲。

牛腾宇,1990年代出生,是“恶俗维基案”的主要当事人之一。2019年前后,中国警方对与该网站有关的人员展开大规模抓捕。2020年12月30日,广东茂名法院对案件作出判决,其中牛腾宇被认定为“主犯”,被判处14年有期徒刑。

这一案件之所以引发外界持续关注,与该网站曾被指涉及中国最高领导人习近平家人的信息有关。据一些公开报道和网络讨论称,相关资料中包括习近平之女 Xi Mingze 以及其亲属 Deng Jiagui 等人的信息被疑似在互联网上传播。许多观察者认为,这也使得案件在政治上变得格外敏感。

这一案件自宣判以来便引发了持续的争议。家属与部分关注者认为案件在调查与审理过程中存在诸多问题,因此多年来不断通过网络发声、申诉,希望能够引起更多社会关注。

在这样的背景之下,今年3月12日,牛腾宇的母亲再次写下了一封给儿子的生日信。信中,她回忆起儿子小时候的生日。那时的他还是一个在家中活蹦乱跳的孩子,每一年生日都充满欢笑。孩子清脆的笑声,是这个家庭最温暖的记忆。她曾经以为,这样的幸福会一直延续下去。

然而命运却突然改变了一切。如今,她的儿子被关在冰冷的牢房里。信中写道,每当想到儿子在狭小阴暗的牢房里忍受孤独和痛苦,她的心就像被针扎一样。那些原本再普通不过的家庭团聚,如今却成了遥不可及的梦想。

这封信之所以让人动容,不仅因为它是一位母亲对儿子的思念,更因为它让人看到,在一个具体案件的背后,是一个被撕裂的家庭。

很多时候,一个案件真正留下的伤口,并不仅仅在判决书上,而是在一个家庭漫长的等待之中。当权力缺乏监督、司法缺乏透明时,普通人的命运往往显得格外脆弱。一个年轻人的命运可能被轻易改变,而一个家庭则要用许多年去承受这种改变带来的后果。

长期以来,中共体制下的司法体系始终缺乏真正独立的审判环境。法院、检察机关以及公安系统在政治权力之下运行,使得法律往往不再是保护公民权利的工具,而成为维护权力秩序的手段。当案件涉及政治敏感因素或权力核心人物时,所谓的法律程序往往难以摆脱政治意志的影响。

在这样的体制之下,普通公民几乎没有真正有效的救济渠道。上诉、申诉往往陷入漫长而无望的程序之中,而家属为亲人奔走呼喊的声音,也常常被忽视甚至压制。一个政权如果不能容忍质疑,不能接受监督,那么司法就很难真正代表公义。

也正因为如此,牛腾宇母亲的坚持显得格外沉重而珍贵。她不是政治人物,也不是公共人物,她只是一个普通的中国母亲。然而在面对庞大的权力机器时,她依然选择发声、选择记录、选择让外界看到这个案件背后的真实痛苦。

在许多类似案件中,承受痛苦的往往不只是当事人本人。当一个年轻人被长期关押,一个家庭也被拖入漫长的煎熬。父母、亲人、朋友都不得不在不确定与焦虑中度过每一天。一个案件的背后,常常是无数个难以入眠的夜晚。

也许,这封生日信并不会被很多人看到,也不会引起多么巨大的关注。但今天,当我读到这封信时,我的心被深深触动了。

因为我也是一名母亲。

当我读到她回忆儿子小时候生日的那一段时,我仿佛看见每一个普通家庭的影子。孩子在长大,母亲在守望,家庭在平凡的日子里积累着温暖。可是当这样的生活突然被打断,一个母亲要承受的痛苦,是任何语言都难以表达的。

也许我只是众多读者中的一个普通人,也许我无法改变什么。但当我读到这封信时,我仍然希望把它写下来,让更多人知道,在铁窗之外,有一位母亲仍在等待。

她等待的不只是儿子的归来,更是一个关于公义与真相的答案。

铁窗之外的母亲

A Mother Beyond Prison Bars

——Reflections on the Birthday Letter Written by Niu Tengyu’s Mother to Her Son in Prison

Author: Zhang Xiaoli

Editor: Hu Lili Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: Niu Tengyu was sentenced to 14 years in prison for the “Vulgar Wiki Case.” On her son’s birthday, his mother wrote a letter expressing her longing and anguish. The letter reflects the controversy surrounding the case and the family’s trauma, while also drawing attention to issues of judicial independence and transparency in China.

March 12 is Niu Tengyu’s birthday.

In a normal family, a birthday should mean reunion, blessings, and laughter. Yet in the reality of China, this day has become one where a mother writes a letter alone. Her son cannot return home, cannot reunite with his family, and can only spend his birthday behind bars.

This letter comes from Niu Tengyu’s mother.

Niu Tengyu, born in the 1990s, is one of the main defendants in the “Esu Wiki Case.” Around 2019, Chinese police launched a large-scale crackdown on individuals associated with the website. On December 30, 2020, the Maoming Court in Guangdong issued its verdict, in which Niu Tengyu was identified as a “principal offender” and sentenced to 14 years in prison.

The reason this case has attracted sustained public attention is linked to allegations that the website contained information regarding the family of China’s top leader, Xi Jinping. According to some public reports and online discussions, the materials allegedly included information about Xi Jinping’s daughter, Xi Mingze, and her relative, Deng Jiagui, which was suspected to have been circulated on the internet. Many observers believe this has made the case particularly politically sensitive.

Since the verdict was handed down, the case has sparked ongoing controversy. The family and some supporters believe there were numerous issues during the investigation and trial process, and for years they have continuously voiced their concerns and filed appeals online in the hope of drawing greater public attention.

Against this backdrop, on March 12 of this year, Niu Tengyu’s mother once again wrote a birthday letter to her son. In the letter, she recalled her son’s childhood birthdays. Back then, he was a lively child who would run and play at home, and every birthday was filled with laughter. Her son’s clear, ringing laughter remains the family’s warmest memory. She had once believed that such happiness would last forever.

Yet fate suddenly changed everything. Now, her son is confined to a cold prison cell. The letter states that whenever she thinks of her son enduring loneliness and suffering in that cramped, dim cell, her heart feels as if it were being pierced by needles. Those once ordinary family reunions have now become a distant dream.

What makes this letter so moving is not only a mother’s longing for her son, but also the fact that it reveals a torn family behind a specific case.

Often, the true wounds left by a case are not merely found in the verdict, but in a family’s long wait. When power lacks oversight and the judiciary lacks transparency, the fate of ordinary people often appears particularly fragile. A young person’s destiny may be easily altered, while a family must spend many years bearing the consequences of that change.

For a long time, the judicial system under the Chinese Communist Party regime has consistently lacked a truly independent environment for trials. Courts, procuratorates, and the public security system operate under political authority, causing the law to often cease being a tool for protecting citizens’ rights and instead become a means of maintaining the order of power. When cases involve politically sensitive factors or key figures in the power structure, so-called legal procedures often struggle to escape the influence of political will.

Under such a system, ordinary citizens have virtually no truly effective avenues for redress. Appeals and petitions often get bogged down in lengthy and hopeless procedures, while the cries of family members pleading for their loved ones are frequently ignored or even suppressed. If a regime cannot tolerate questioning or accept oversight, then the judiciary can hardly truly represent justice.

It is precisely for this reason that Niu Tengyu’s mother’s persistence feels all the more profound and precious. She is neither a political figure nor a public figure; she is simply an ordinary Chinese mother. Yet, in the face of a massive machinery of power, she has chosen to speak out, to document, and to reveal to the outside world the true suffering behind this case.

In many similar cases, the suffering is often borne not only by the individual involved. When a young person is detained for an extended period, an entire family is dragged into a prolonged ordeal. Parents, relatives, and friends are forced to spend every day in uncertainty and anxiety. Behind every case, there are often countless sleepless nights.

Perhaps this birthday letter will not be seen by many, nor will it attract much attention. But today, as I read this letter, my heart was deeply moved.

Because I am a mother too.

When I read the passage where she recalled her son’s childhood birthdays, I felt as though I were seeing the reflection of every ordinary family. Children grow up, mothers watch over them, and families accumulate warmth in their everyday lives. But when such a life is suddenly cut short, the pain a mother must endure is beyond words.

Perhaps I am just an ordinary person among countless readers, and perhaps I cannot change anything. But when I read this letter, I still felt compelled to write it down, so that more people would know: beyond those prison bars, a mother is still waiting.

She is waiting not only for her son’s return, but also for an answer regarding justice and the truth.

3•10西藏抗暴紀念日 Tibetan Martyr’s Day(組圖)

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3•10西藏抗暴紀念日 Tibetan Martyr’s Day(組圖)

攝影記者:關永傑

編輯:鍾然 校对:程筱筱 翻译:周敏

2026年3月10日,世界多地的藏人社區與支持者同步舉行活動,紀念1959年西藏起義週年。在美國舊金山,當地作為全球紀念行動的分會場之一,藏人團體與人權支持者在舊金山市政廳前舉行集會並發表演講,呼籲國際社會關注西藏的人權與文化處境。隨後,參與者舉著雪山獅子旗和各類標語上街遊行,隊伍行至中華人民共和國駐舊金山總領事館表達抗議,最後返回聯合廣場。

March 10 Tibetan Martyr’s Day (Photo Gallery)

Photojournalist: Guan Yongjie

Editor:Zhong Ran Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Zhou Min

On March 10, 2026, Tibetan communities and supporters in many parts of the world simultaneously held activities to commemorate the anniversary of the 1959 Tibet Uprising. In San Francisco, USA, as one of the venues for the global commemorative actions, Tibetan groups and human rights supporters held a rally and delivered speeches in front of San Francisco City Hall, calling on the international community to pay attention to the human rights and cultural situation in Tibet. Subsequently, participants carried Snow Lion flags and various slogans to march on the streets; the procession marched to the Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco to express protest, and finally returned to Union Square.

三藩市市政廳

1. San Francisco City Hall

3•10西藏抗暴紀念日 Tibetan Martyr’s Day(組圖)

市政廳門前的階梯上,靜靜擺放著 167 幅藏人的遺照。自 2009 年以來,他們前赴後繼地以自焚這種最慘烈的方式表達訴求:要求宗教自由、迎請達賴喇嘛回到西藏、反對文化同化、追求人權與自由

On the steps in front of City Hall, 167 portraits of Tibetans are quietly placed. Since 2009, they have followed one after another, using self-immolation—the most tragic method—to express their demands: requesting religious freedom, welcoming the Dalai Lama back to Tibet, opposing cultural assimilation, and pursuing human rights and freedom.

遊行隊伍從三藩市市政廳到中共國駐舊金山領事館

2. Marching procession from San Francisco City Hall to the Consulate of the CCP Country in San Francisco

活動主持人發號施令,遊行隊伍出發

The event host issues orders, and the marching procession sets off.

雪山獅子旗飄揚

The Tibetan national flag fly.

支持藏人的香港人、廣東人團體

Hong Konger and Cantonese groups supporting Tibetans.

三藩市警察為遊行隊伍提供全程護航

San Francisco police provide full escort for the marching procession.

三藩市一市民向遊行隊伍示意

A San Francisco citizen gestures to the marching procession.

藏人及各族受難者遊行至舊金山中領館,聲討中共殘暴統治,發出自由的吶喊

3. Tibetans and victims of various ethnicities march to the San Francisco Chinese Consulate, denouncing the CCP’s brutal rule, emitting a cry for freedom.

鄭永華代表「南粵獨立」團體發表演講

Zheng Yonghua delivers a speech on behalf of the “South Cantonese Independence” group.

施臻營代表US HongKongers Club 發表演講

Shi Zhenying delivers a speech on behalf of the US HongKongers Club.

纪念西藏抗暴六十七周年

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纪念西藏抗暴六十七周年

旧金山中领馆前声援西藏人民

《在野党》记者 缪青 报道

编辑:钟然 校对:程筱筱 翻译:周敏

2026年3月10日,在西藏抗暴六十七周年纪念日之际,中国民主党旧金山党部、中国民主人权联盟以及多位民主人士、藏人团体成员,在旧金山中国驻旧金山总领事馆前举行纪念集会,声援西藏人民争取自由与尊严的抗争。活动以“自由中国,自由西藏”为主题,呼吁国际社会持续关注西藏的人权状况,并表达对藏人文化、宗教与民族身份的支持。

当天中午,来自不同族群与背景的参与者手持标语与雪山狮子旗,在中领馆前聚集。他们高呼“Free Tibet”“Free China”“Stop CCP Repression”等口号,纪念1959年3月10日西藏人民在拉萨发起的大规模抗议行动。这场抗议最终遭到中共军队的武力镇压,造成大量平民伤亡,并迫使西藏精神领袖第十四世达赖喇嘛流亡海外。

纪念西藏抗暴六十七周年

声援西藏人民争取自由与尊严的活动现场(摄影:缪青)

历史回顾:1959年西藏抗暴的悲壮记忆

活动现场首先由北加州藏人协会会长洛桑发表讲话。他表示,3月10日不仅仅是历史上的一个日期,对于世界各地的藏人来说,这是一个纪念、抵抗与决心的日子。

洛桑回顾说,67年前的今天,西藏人民勇敢地站出来,保卫他们的家园、文化以及他们的精神领袖——第十四世达赖喇嘛尊者,反对中国政府的强行占领。当时成千上万的藏人在拉萨举行和平集会,但中国军队以残酷的武力回应,以炮火轰炸和对无辜抗议者的无差别射击进行镇压,导致数千人丧生、更多人受伤。

这场悲剧迫使达赖喇嘛尊者流亡印度,随后数万名藏人也踏上流亡之路。然而,大多数藏人仍然留在西藏,在极其艰难的环境下继续守护自己的信仰、文化和民族身份。

长期压迫下的西藏现状

洛桑在讲话中指出,在随后的几十年里,中国政府在西藏进行了系统性的破坏。大量寺庙和文化机构被摧毁,自然资源被掠夺,高原脆弱的生态环境遭到破坏,历史上更有超过一百万藏人因政治运动与镇压而失去生命。

他还提到,今天的西藏局势仍然令人深感忧虑。任意拘留、酷刑以及政治犯死亡的消息仍不断传出。与此同时,中国建立了庞大的寄宿学校系统,据称已有近一百万藏族儿童被迫与家人分离。在这些学校里,藏语、宗教与传统文化受到压制,而汉语教育与政治灌输则成为主要内容。

洛桑表示,这种教育体系不仅威胁藏族文化的延续,也引发了国际社会越来越多的关注与批评。

国际社会对西藏问题的关注

近年来国际社会对西藏问题的关注有所增加。美国国会通过相关决议,明确指出达赖喇嘛的转世问题属于纯粹的宗教事务,应完全由藏人传统决定,而不应受到中国政府的干预。

该决议还授权相关资金,用于反驳中国政府关于西藏历史与文化的虚假叙述,并敦促北京政府与达赖喇嘛代表以及民选的西藏领导人展开不设前提条件的对话。

此外,2026年2月,美国政府任命莱利·巴恩斯为新的西藏问题特别协调员,负责统筹美国的西藏政策,重点关注人权、宗教自由以及推动中国政府与西藏代表之间的对话。

洛桑认为,这些举措向世界传递了一个重要信息:国际社会并没有忘记西藏。

向为自由献身的藏人致敬

在讲话的最后,洛桑向所有为西藏自由而牺牲的烈士致敬,并向那些因坚持信仰与民族身份而被关押的藏人表达敬意。

他说,西藏的斗争不仅仅关乎土地或政治,更关乎人的尊严、文化的生存,以及一个民族按照自己传统和信仰自由生活的权利。67年来,藏人经历了巨大的苦难,但他们的精神从未被摧毁。

“只要藏人仍然存在,对一个公正与有尊严的西藏的希望就永远存在。”洛桑最后以藏语呼喊“菩提嘉禄”,并高呼“达赖喇嘛尊者万岁”,表达对未来的期待。

北加州藏人协会会长洛桑发言现场(摄影:缪青)

青年民主人士的呼声:跨民族的良知与责任

随后,中国民主党旧金山党部活动部副部长崔允星上台发言。他以藏语问候“扎西德勒(Tashi Delek)”开场,并表示自己今天是以一名支持西藏的中国青年身份站在这里。

崔允星在讲话中提出一个问题:“作为汉族人,我们为什么要支持西藏?为什么要挺身而出、大声疾呼?”他引用德国牧师马丁·尼莫拉的名言指出,当迫害发生在他人身上时,如果人们选择沉默,那么当迫害最终降临到自己身上时,便再也没有人能够为自己发声。因此,当他人面对不公与压迫时,沉默并不能换来自由。

他表示,中国共产党压迫西藏、香港、维吾尔族、蒙古族以及台湾,而这些压迫往往以“国家”的名义进行。作为汉族人,更有责任反对这种不公。“当我们站出来时,不仅是为了他人,也是为了重拾我们自己的良知与尊严。”他说,中国人与藏族人民应当并肩站在一起,为一个共同的自由未来而奋斗。

他最后高呼:“自由西藏!自由中国!让我们团结起来,说出真相,伸张正义!”

中国民主党旧金山党部活动部副部长崔允星发言现场(摄影:缪青)

中国民主党成员声援西藏

中国民主党旧金山党部宣传部副部长缪青在活动现场接受采访时表示,大家今天聚集在这里,是为了纪念1959年3月10日西藏人民为自由发出的呐喊。

他指出,六十多年来,西藏的信仰、文化与尊严长期遭受压制,但追求自由的精神从未熄灭。“作为追求民主与人权的人,我们与西藏人民站在一起,反对迫害,捍卫信仰自由与民族尊严。”

在发言的最后,他呼吁中国各民族团结起来。“当中国人学会为其他少数民族挺身而出时,我们其实也是在拯救自己。”他说,没有自由的中国,西藏无法真正获得自由;而没有自由的西藏,中国也不可能实现自由。希望有一天自由的阳光不仅能够照耀雪域高原,也能够照耀整个中国。

中国民主党旧金山党部宣传部副部长缪青活动现场(摄影:庄帆)

流亡者之间的共同命运

中国民主党党员陈森锋在采访中表示,3月10日不仅是西藏人民的重要纪念日,也是所有反对极权统治者共同的记忆。

他说,许多参与者本身也是因政治迫害而流亡海外的人。“我们都是中共极权暴政下的政治难民。今天我们与藏族人民站在一起,为反对压迫并肩抗争,为争取自由民主共同发声。”

陈森锋表示,西藏、香港、台湾以及中国大陆人民的命运在某种意义上紧密相连。“自由中国,自由台湾,自由香港,自由西藏”,既是口号,也是对未来的期盼。

中国民主党党员陈森锋活动现场(摄影:缪青)

支持西藏人民的自决权

中国民主党党员庄帆在采访中表示,他来到现场,是为了与图博(藏人)同胞站在一起,共同反抗中共政权。

他认为,中共政权是在苏联支持下建立的独裁体制,并不能真正代表中国人民。他指出,中共不仅在西藏进行文化压制,也在中国大陆对数以亿计的人民实施严密的政治控制。

庄帆表示:“中共掠夺了图博人民的土地,也撕碎了我们的家园。在西藏,它进行文化灭绝;在中国大陆,它压迫十四亿人民。这个依靠恐怖维稳维持统治的机器,本质上是一个非法政权。”

他同时呼吁国际社会不要再对独裁政权抱有幻想,并明确表达对藏人自决权的支持。他强调,西藏的未来应当由西藏人民自己决定。

中国民主党党员庄帆活动现场(摄影:缪青)

自由的呼声仍在继续

随着活动接近尾声,参与者再次高呼“Free Tibet”“Down with CCP”等口号,并向1959年抗暴中牺牲的西藏人民默哀致意。

许多参与者表示,尽管西藏抗暴已经过去数十年,但自由与人权的追求从未过时。只要世界仍然关注,西藏人民的声音就不会被完全压制。

在阳光下飘扬的雪山狮子旗与标语牌,成为旧金山当天的一道独特景象。对于参与者而言,这不仅是一场纪念活动,更是一种信念的表达——无论身在何处,追求自由与尊严的声音都不会沉默。

集会现场参与者齐声高呼:自由西藏,自由中国万岁!

声援西藏人民争取自由与尊严的活动现场(摄影:缪青)

Supporting the Tibetan People in Front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco

Reporter: Miao Qing, The Opposition Party

Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Zhou Min

On March 10, 2026, on the occasion of the 67th anniversary of the Tibet Uprising Memorial Day, the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party, the China Democracy & Human Rights Alliance, as well as several democracy activists and members of Tibetan groups, held a commemorative rally in front of the Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco to support the Tibetan people’s struggle for freedom and dignity. The theme of the activity was “Free China, Free Tibet,” calling on the international community to continue paying attention to the human rights situation in Tibet and expressing support for Tibetan culture, religion, and ethnic identity.

At noon that day, participants from different ethnic groups and backgrounds held slogans and Snow Lion flags, gathering in front of the Chinese Consulate. They shouted slogans such as “Free Tibet,” “Free China,” and “Stop CCP Repression” to commemorate the large-scale protest action launched by the Tibetan people in Lhasa on March 10, 1959. This protest was ultimately suppressed by the CCP military with force, causing a large number of civilian casualties and forcing the Tibetan spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama, into exile abroad.

纪念西藏抗暴六十七周年

Scene of the activity supporting the Tibetan people’s struggle for freedom and dignity (Photo: Miao Qing)

Historical Review: The Heroic and Tragic Memory of the 1959 Tibet Uprising

The event began with a speech by Lobsang, President of the Tibetan Association of Northern California. He stated that March 10 is not just a date in history; for Tibetans around the world, it is a day of remembrance, resistance, and determination.

Lobsang recalled that 67 years ago today, the Tibetan people bravely stood up to defend their home, culture, and their spiritual leader—His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama—against the forced occupation by the Chinese government. At that time, tens of thousands of Tibetans held a peaceful assembly in Lhasa, but the Chinese military responded with brutal force, suppressing it with artillery bombardment and indiscriminate shooting at innocent protesters, resulting in thousands of deaths and even more injuries.

This tragedy forced His Holiness the Dalai Lama into exile in India, followed by tens of thousands of Tibetans who also embarked on the path of exile. However, the majority of Tibetans remained in Tibet, continuing to guard their faith, culture, and ethnic identity under extremely difficult circumstances.

Current Situation of Tibet Under Long-term Oppression

In his speech, Lobsang pointed out that in the following decades, the Chinese government carried out systematic destruction in Tibet. A large number of temples and cultural institutions were destroyed, natural resources were plundered, the fragile ecological environment of the plateau was damaged, and historically more than one million Tibetans lost their lives due to political movements and suppression.

He also mentioned that the situation in Tibet today remains deeply worrying. News of arbitrary detention, torture, and the deaths of political prisoners continues to emerge. Meanwhile, China has established a massive boarding school system; it is claimed that nearly one million Tibetan children have been forced to separate from their families. In these schools, the Tibetan language, religion, and traditional culture are suppressed, while Mandarin education and political indoctrination have become the main content.

Lobsang stated that this education system not only threatens the continuity of Tibetan culture but has also triggered increasing attention and criticism from the international community.

International Community’s Attention to the Tibet Issue

In recent years, the international community’s attention to the Tibet issue has increased. The U.S. Congress passed relevant resolutions clearly stating that the issue of the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation is a purely religious matter and should be decided entirely by Tibetan traditions, rather than being subject to interference by the Chinese government.

The resolution also authorized relevant funds to be used to refute the Chinese government’s false narratives regarding Tibetan history and culture, and urged the Beijing government to engage in dialogue without preconditions with representatives of the Dalai Lama and elected Tibetan leaders.

In addition, in February 2026, the U.S. government appointed Riley Barnes as the new Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, responsible for coordinating U.S. policy on Tibet, focusing on human rights, religious freedom, and promoting dialogue between the Chinese government and Tibetan representatives.

Lobsang believes these measures send an important message to the world: the international community has not forgotten Tibet.

Paying Tribute to Tibetans Who Sacrificed for Freedom

At the end of his speech, Lobsang paid tribute to all the martyrs who sacrificed for the freedom of Tibet and expressed respect to those Tibetans imprisoned for persisting in their faith and ethnic identity.

He said the struggle of Tibet is not just about land or politics, but about human dignity, the survival of a culture, and the right of a nation to live freely according to its own traditions and beliefs. For 67 years, Tibetans have experienced immense suffering, but their spirit has never been destroyed.

“As long as Tibetans still exist, the hope for a just and dignified Tibet will always exist.” Lobsang finally shouted “Bod Gyalo” in Tibetan and chanted “Long Live His Holiness the Dalai Lama,” expressing expectations for the future.

Scene of Lobsang, President of the Tibetan Association of Northern California, delivering a speech (Photo: Miao Qing)

The Voice of Young Democracy Activists: Cross-ethnic Conscience and Responsibility

Subsequently, Cui Yunxing, Vice Minister of the Activity Department of the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party, took the stage to speak. He opened with the Tibetan greeting “Tashi Delek” and stated that he was standing here today as a Chinese youth who supports Tibet.

In his speech, Cui Yunxing raised a question: “As Han Chinese, why should we support Tibet? Why should we stand up and speak out loudly?” Citing the famous quote by German Pastor Martin Niemöller, he pointed out that when persecution happens to others, if people choose silence, then when persecution finally descends upon themselves, no one will be able to speak for them. Therefore, when others face injustice and oppression, silence cannot be exchanged for freedom.

He stated that the Chinese Communist Party oppresses Tibet, Hong Kong, Uyghurs, Mongolians, and Taiwan, and these oppressions are often carried out in the name of the “State.” As Han Chinese, there is even more responsibility to oppose this injustice. “When we stand up, it is not only for others but also to regain our own conscience and dignity,” he said. Chinese and Tibetan people should stand side by side and fight for a common free future.

He finally shouted: “Free Tibet! Free China! Let us unite, speak the truth, and uphold justice!”

Scene of Cui Yunxing, Vice Minister of the Activity Department of the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party, delivering a speech (Photo: Miao Qing)

China Democracy Party Members Support Tibet

Miao Qing, Vice Minister of the Propaganda Department of the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party, stated in an interview at the event site that everyone is gathered here today to commemorate the cry for freedom made by the Tibetan people on March 10, 1959.

He pointed out that for over sixty years, Tibet’s faith, culture, and dignity have been suppressed for a long time, but the spirit of pursuing freedom has never been extinguished. “As people who pursue democracy and human rights, we stand with the Tibetan people, oppose persecution, and defend freedom of belief and national dignity.”

At the end of his speech, he called for all ethnic groups in China to unite. “When Chinese people learn to stand up for other ethnic minorities, we are actually saving ourselves,” he said. Without a free China, Tibet cannot truly obtain freedom; and without a free Tibet, it is impossible for China to realize freedom. He hopes that one day the sunshine of freedom will not only shine on the snow-covered plateau but also on the whole of China.

Miao Qing, Vice Minister of the Propaganda Department of the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party, at the activity site (Photo: Zhuang Fan)

Common Destiny Among Exiles

China Democracy Party member Chen Senfeng stated in an interview that March 10 is not only an important memorial day for the Tibetan people but also a common memory for all those who oppose totalitarian rule.

He said many participants are themselves people in exile abroad due to political persecution. “We are all political refugees under the CCP’s totalitarian tyranny. Today we stand with the Tibetan people, fighting side by side against oppression and speaking out together for freedom and democracy.”

Chen Senfeng stated that the fates of the people of Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and mainland China are closely linked in a sense. “Free China, Free Taiwan, Free Hong Kong, Free Tibet” is both a slogan and an expectation for the future.

China Democracy Party member Chen Senfeng at the activity site (Photo: Miao Qing)

Supporting the Tibetan People’s Right to Self-determination

China Democracy Party member Zhuang Fan stated in an interview that he came to the site to stand with his Tubo (Tibetan) compatriots to jointly resist the CCP regime.

He believes the CCP regime is a dictatorial system established with the support of the Soviet Union and cannot truly represent the Chinese people. He pointed out that the CCP not only carries out cultural suppression in Tibet but also implements strict political control over hundreds of millions of people in mainland China.

Zhuang Fan stated: “The CCP plundered the land of the Tubo people and tore apart our homes. In Tibet, it carries out cultural genocide; in mainland China, it oppresses 1.4 billion people. This machine, which maintains its rule by relying on terror and stability maintenance, is essentially an illegal regime.”

At the same time, he called on the international community to no longer have illusions about the dictatorial regime and clearly expressed support for the Tibetan people’s right to self-determination. He emphasized that the future of Tibet should be decided by the Tibetan people themselves.

China Democracy Party member Zhuang Fan at the activity site (Photo: Miao Qing)

The Cry for Freedom Continues

As the activity neared its end, participants once again shouted slogans such as “Free Tibet” and “Down with CCP,” and observed a moment of silence to pay tribute to the Tibetan people who sacrificed in the 1959 Uprising.

Many participants stated that although decades have passed since the Tibet Uprising, the pursuit of freedom and human rights has never become outdated. As long as the world remains concerned, the voice of the Tibetan people will not be completely suppressed.

The Snow Lion flags and slogan placards fluttering in the sunlight became a unique sight in San Francisco that day. For the participants, this is not just a commemorative activity, but an expression of belief—no matter where they are, the voice pursuing freedom and dignity will not be silent.

Participants at the rally shouted in unison: Long live Free Tibet, Free China!

Scene of the activity supporting the Tibetan people’s struggle for freedom and dignity (Photo: Miao Qing)

资本家算“干部”吗?

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资本家算“干部”吗?

作者:黄维克
编辑:胡丽莉 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

资本家算“干部”吗,这是我小时候一直纠结的问题,到今天还没有答案。

我是家里这一代唯一的男孙,也就是我可以把姓氏传下去,但爷爷并不喜欢我,听说我出生那一年,他就被“公私合营”给开除了。

相信他感觉解放后受骗上当,自己创业开办的生意被政府公私合营后,人家学会了经营之道,就把相对高薪的他赶走。

因为在同一个时间发生,我就成了“扫帚星”,上海人说的“触霉头”。

那个年代每人要填写很多表格,每个表格上都有“家庭成分”,每次这个时候家里都要争论一番,叔叔们认为爷爷算是“干部”,除了投资还要管理。

但实际上应该填写“资本家”,或者“资产阶级”,那时候听起来像“艾滋病””强奸犯”一样,而且往往空位不够。只能两个字,“工人”、“农民”、“职员”…….

他一个人干的“缺德事”,接下来的几代人都要受磨难,当年的“荣华富贵”我没份,遭人嫌弃时却轮到我了。

爷孙一堂本来是件好事,他不喜欢我,我也不喜欢他,每天就这样僵持。

原来爷爷整天闷闷不乐,还有其他的原因,随着时间推移我知道的越来越多。

1950年上海才有围城的枪炮声,他早已经买了去新加坡的船票,但他的母亲听说他要去外国,发誓当场撞墙死在他面前。

曾祖母在孤儿院,把爷爷领回家里抚养成人,他靠努力或者幸运发了“小财”,岂能众叛亲离?再加上当时政府全力宣传“剥削有功”,爷爷就决定留在大陆继续敬他的孝心。

噩梦远远不止“剥削”,很快他就发现自己“罪孽”深重。原来上海的资本家里也有“合法”和“不合法”之分,他是属于后者。

那个动乱年代,为了保护家人,爷爷想买一把手枪回家。那时候买枪要加入一个团体,他就填了一张表格。由于祖母反对,那把枪在家里只呆了一晚上。

就这样,爷爷莫名其妙地加入了“反动组织”(大概是“三青团”吧),他面临发配新疆。那时候的宣传说“新疆是个好地方”,“肥肉吃进去吐出来”,上海人始终对此半信半疑。

全家男女老少出动在火车站送行,孩子们在月台下跪哭声一片,爷爷清楚接下来的日子——凶多吉少,不断地对家人挥手,感觉像是“英勇就义”。

这时候出现了一位认识的里弄干部,他说: “你怎么会来的?” 爷爷回答:“我是不法资本家”。由于他平时对人很好,这位来往两地的“官员”,坚定地对他说:“你不够格,你不能去!”

这时候火车已经开始移动,他的行李被一件件扔到月台上,也只好跳下了火车。就这样巧遇“救星”,爷爷没有了新疆的故事,后来他才有机会死在上海。

之前讲到爷爷因为他固执的妈妈,没有去成“新加坡”,后来又因为善心的干部没去“新疆”。虽然两个地方都是“新”字打头,但任何一个去成了,结果会是天壤之别。

从小都有一个好奇心,爷爷是个孤儿,在上海“十里洋场”,靠什么会赚得“盆满钵满”,这里面一定有一些“见不得人”的事。

我们那一代的教育都是这样,周扒皮半夜里学鸡叫,天不亮就让人下地干活;刘文彩在收租院里,如何用水银秤杆缺斤少两。

无论上一代给了我们多少爱,因为学校的教育,我们都带着一种怀疑的,甚至“敌视的”眼光看他们。

记得一次问婆婆,别的女人都戴金银首饰,你为什么从来不戴?她回答说,如果有那样的习惯,当年会被金银财宝压死(这么大的口气)。

家里真的那么有钱?是的。婆婆说以前家里在湖南路的老房子,楼梯拐弯可以放一桌酒席,后来家境不好了,就搬到了“大西路”小房子(今天的”延安路”)。

几年前我回上海,还特意去了我长大的房子,在那里拍了张照片(见图)。

那时候家里经济十分落魄,不时要变卖一些东西。在物质条件很艰苦的情况下,婆婆仍然把最好的东西留给我,爷爷则特别注重我的学习。

那时候上海有小学入学试,有一道题目是两张照片,一张是月亮,另一张是太阳,听说有小孩把那太阳,说成可以吃的“大饼”。

爷爷则连家长表格都让我自己填,我不仅会写父母的名字,还会写他们的工作单位,包括中间两个难字“師範”(那时中国还是繁体字)。

我慢慢地意识到爷爷是个好人,给我打的文化基础,今天看来是“钢筋混泥土的”,虽然是小学的前几年,也给我带了好多荣誉。

那时候我在心里想:爷爷为什么以前会去“剥削”他人呢?

资本家算“干部”吗?

爷爷对他的“剥削”历史,从来都是闭口不谈。

由于我的好奇心,加上家里人口众多,七拼八凑地找出了爷爷的“发家史”。

我感觉到“剥削”的成分几乎没有,或者是极少。如果真有的话,他更多的是剥削美国人,而不是中国人。

爷爷到上海之前都在和尚庙办的孤儿院里,幸运地被黄氏领养带到上海,没有任何钱,更没有任何人际关系做生意。

找到的第一份工作是美国人办的贸易公司,必须学习讲英语与上司交流。他为了供养母亲,就开始了鹦鹉学舌地讲英文。

爷爷倒是真有一样与众不同的特长,那就是他写得一手很好的毛笔字,简直像书店里卖的帖子一样,可能是和尚庙里修来的功夫。

他后来又喜欢上了京剧,不但能唱还会拉。

赚到一点钱后,逢年过节就搞“堂会”,把一帮京剧名角和票友请到家里。他作为东道主还能又拉又唱地表演一番,令他在上海滩的生意人里与众不同。

那时候他办的一个仓库,除了存放一些吃穿住用行的小商品外,还存放美国运来的剩余物资。精明的商人不愿意空船来上海办货,往往运一些没有买家的物品。

货仓存放的东西都有散货或者破损,也允许损耗一个百分比。家里人告诉我,从来都是仓库里有什么,家里就有什么,很多吃用的东西都不愁,

因为仓库租金都是随着时间递增,美国商人经常弃置存货,抵扣所欠的仓库租金,一次是一货仓的棉花,另一次是一货仓的煤炭。

爷爷做起了“无本买卖”,就这样“发了横财”。

像我爷爷这样的”成分”,必然是每一次政治运动的“运动员”。对他影响最大的当属人民公社运动和文化大革命。

“人民公社”是从农村到城市,“文化大革命”是从城市到农村。

当时在上海的人民公社运动,需要很多房产来办学校,他们对爷爷都是“好说好劝”。我一直在猜想,他们如何让他心甘情愿签字,“捐赠”部分房产。

“剥削”本来就是犯罪,应该坐牢的,现在无需你坐牢,只是把非法所得分一点出来,那就意味着明天十家陌生人会搬到你家来住。

我还记得家里住在二楼,原来的客厅和饭厅都消失了,甚至阳台也当房间来住。最奢侈的是我们家在楼下,有一个独立的厨房,别人家都要五六家分享。

那时候上海也是住房奇缺,家里的车房变成两层楼,上面一家人下面一家人,连锅炉房也住了一家人。

我长大住在二楼的阳台,每当拉小提琴打拍子,楼下阳台的“工人阶级”邻居就大喊大叫。

后来上海落实政策了,房子算是还给主人了,但是没有一分钱租金,因为这么多年的修缮费,房管处要房主负担,算起来房主还倒过来“欠钱”。

当年有个奇特的现象是,楼梯走廊厨房厕所非常昏暗、但是电灯却有很多盏,开灯的绳子也很多,我小时候最怕的是,错误地开了别人家的电灯。

那时候的邻居一个比一个善良,也是一个比一个穷,“斤斤计较”是实在没办法。

上个世纪中国最大的政治运动——十年浩劫的“文化大革命”终于开始了,那是1966年的一个夏天,感觉是风云突变,上海满街都是身穿军装,但没有领章和帽徽的红卫兵。

平时坐在外面乘凉的老头老太太和孩子们,都觉得那天不妙必有大事发生。

红卫兵们一边喊着“破四旧、立四新”的口号,一边呼吁所有的民众,把封建迷信和西洋文化的东西都拿出来,街上的人都忙于砸烂菩萨和钢琴。

我家搬出了所有的菩萨和观音,就连“万寿无疆”红绿黄的饭碗菜碟,都难以幸免,要搬到马路中间敲碎,直到今天我还记得那个刺耳的声音。

街上的男男女女都很恐慌,搞不清楚身上哪些东西是“四旧”,红卫兵们成了理所当然的法官。

金丝边眼镜的人会被红卫兵截停,眼镜强制拿下后被踩碎,很多人哀求留下“无罪的”镜片,这样高度近视的人,仍然可以举着两片玻璃回家。

男的女的裤腿也有很明确的要求,男的不能小于六寸,女的不能小于四寸,凡是裤腿尺寸不符合标准的都会被剪掉,街上男男女女都穿着开叉的裤子。

上海人的精明超出了想象,很多正在单位上班的人,都利用电话相互转告,提前把裤腿顺着逢线自行拆掉。

后来才知道,原来是毛泽东在北京已经失势,跑到上海来“发动群众闹革命”,之后还发表了“我的一张大字报”。

红卫兵们誓死“砸烂一个旧世界,创造一个新世界”,最后他老人家都受不了,不得不踩刹车地说“古为今用,洋为中用”。

满街砸碎的菩萨观音,燃烧的钢琴、唱片,活像一出“世界大战争”的场面。

爷爷的表情非常沉重,我感觉在他眼睛里看到了“世界的末日”,没想到最后成了“他的末日”。

“文化大革命”开始了,日子是越来越不好过,回到父母内地家中?他们是知识分子“臭老九”,还不如呆在上海。

这时候的爷爷也开始有活儿干了,他每天刻意的打扮像“老克勒”(上海话也叫“老狄克”),扫大街的时候还哼着小曲儿。

我上学放学都要经过他,还记得他穿一身浅色的西装,还有那双镶有鳄鱼皮的三色尖头皮鞋。

下午的活就是写革命标语,里弄里不要红卫兵,偏要这个资本家,我就负责书写前的折叠和裁剪。

那时候粮店和煤店已经开始,停止向“黑五类”家庭送货,我那时候很小,居然学会用快木板和四个轴承做了一个拖板车运重物。

后来连用蜂窝煤(上海人叫”煤饼”)的资格都没有了,买煤炭回来砸成碎渣,再用黄色泥浆捏在一起做成煤球。

不到十岁的我手太小又没力气,做出来的煤球不经烧,上海的冬天又潮又冷,搞得手又红又肿长满了冻疮。……

那时候认为受苦是应该的,当年爷爷就是这样“剥削别人”的。

但小小年纪的我最受不了的是,除了附近的邻居以外,当我拉着米和煤走在路上,那些陌生人的冷眼和羞辱的语言。

那时候全国流行的一句话:“爹亲娘亲,没有毛主席亲”,我一直不肯定,是因为下面的两件事(令我不断思考)。

我家有个邻居也是资产阶级,我看到她郊游的时候带了大本的塑料“红宝书”(毛主席语录),下雨后放在石头上一屁股坐在上面。

爷爷也指着毛主席的像说过“我是好人,他是坏人”,因为他们这些“反动言行”,我经常晚上无法入睡。

除了各地都有的武斗以外,上海“抄家”可能算是另一特色,今天的年轻人很难想象。

“抄家,就是有一批人到你家翻箱倒柜,把任何值钱的东西都拿走,无视国家的宪法:“私有财产神圣不可侵犯”。

有一批北京的高干子弟,叫什么“联合行动“简称“联动”,来上海随意抄任何名人的家,听说用皮带的铁扣打人也是他们发明的。

我们的小区垃圾桶在正中间,那时候会经常看到首饰盒和麻将盒,有的把金银财宝转移,有的则是扔到垃圾桶里。

十二号别墅是开染料厂的,住了一个老人和一个保姆。抄家的红卫兵发现这个叫菊花的保姆为东家匿藏金银财宝,命令她站在凳子上,把她打得哭天喊地,打她的竹竿都爆裂开来。

我们家也被抄了整整三天,红卫兵们来了都很客气,可能是不熟悉这位早就被解雇的“老板”,或许听说爷爷以前对员工很好。

但是红卫兵很利索地找到了爷爷藏的金银财宝,在晾衣服的竹竿里和晚上封炉子的煤灰里,原来这是当时最流行的匿藏地方。

婆婆也很快地交出了所有藏的首饰,红卫兵采取了有效的逼供法说: ”老头子都交代了,难道你为他坐牢,他可在外面找别的女人”。

抄家前我也被分派了一个任务,藏一颗火油钻石。我把它绕在剩余的毛线团里,每当红卫兵把毛线抽屉翻过来倒一地,我就去把毛线捡起来放好。

这成了我们家唯一幸存的财宝,后来通过乡下友人贱卖,让全家人又“发了一次财”,去苏州杭州旅游吃好的玩好的。

最后那一天的晚上记得他们围着一个大圆桌,用一把“金钱秤”称重量,清点着金银首饰,清单里列明了数量和重量,像是要上缴国库。

上海后来的抄家算是正规,由单位的职工红卫兵来完成,而不是早期的学生红卫兵。周恩来政府工作报告说,上海抄家物资不足以建一个飞机场,“抢了东西还嫌少”?

后来退还抄家物质,但必须变卖给国家,所规定价格是一个笑话。

我算是见证资本家“残酷”的第一证人。可以大胆地说,起码不是每一个人都那样。

爷爷素来对每个人都很好,素不相识的人和认识的人都如此。那时候上海有很多安徽来的逃荒难民,爷爷都会把家里剩下吃的用的给他们。

还有家门口有一个小皮匠,他长得一张娃娃脸,因生了很多小孩导致家里十分贫困,爷爷会叫我把家里小东西给他。

别说对人就连对动物爷爷从来都是这样,那时候上海人没有娱乐,喜欢玩斗蟋蟀(上海人叫“螊绩”),他告诉我这个游戏太残酷。

那年头没人与爷爷交朋友,谁接近他都涉嫌政治立场,他居然交了几个野猫为朋友,晚上会带牠们来家里吃一些残汤剩饭。

现在我一把年龄,想到那几只野猫在黑暗中绿油油的眼睛,仍然十分害怕。

文革结束后,我与叔叔去浙江乡下看望以前家里的佣人。去那里要坐长途公共汽车,到了县城汽车站后,还有大半个小时路程需骑自行车。

叔叔见到了与他一起长大的“水牛”,当年水牛还是一个小孩,他的爸爸负责带着几个帮工,打理黄氏一家大小吃喝拉撒。

水牛在村口带我们回到他家里,我终于有机会见到最直接被剥削的人。

水牛的爸爸问叔叔说,“少爷最近怎么样?” 叔叔回答,他早已经去世了。他当场就从灶台倒在地上,痛苦地喊道:“他是好人啊!” 接下来他讲了很多爷爷的故事。

这是一个被剥削的人对剥削他的人的“总结”,我既不敢相信自己的眼睛,也不敢相信自己的耳朵。

文革时期上海流行一种“鸡血法”,就是把小公鸡血抽出来打到人体里面。

邻居们都纷纷开始养鸡,他们的厨房太挤地方不够,鸡笼子都搬到我们家的厨房里来。

我问婆婆为什么我们不可以打鸡血,她回答我们没有医务所。是的,我们全家是没有任何医疗。

爷爷因为长期高血压得不到治疗,中风后半身瘫痪,肚子饿了就拍打自己的大腿,喊叫:“三分洋厘只大饼”。

我父母不断来信催促,要我尽快离开上海回到内地,爸爸被铺天盖地的大字报搞得实在吃不消。

他的罪名是“将儿子放在资产阶级的家庭里培养剥削阶级的狗崽子”。

等了好几个月,终于有人答应,带我坐火车回四川。当时火车会经过西安停一晚,我这样的年龄不可能一个人上路。

爷爷的病情不见好转,他仍然一瘸一拐地把身子移到弄堂口送我,爷孙两人都知道这是“最后一面” ……

回到内地后不久的一天,我放学回到家里吃午饭,桌子上放了一张简短的电报,全家人一言不发。

我看着爸爸,心里这样说:你哭我就哭(我的眼泪早就准备好了)。爸爸居然“没有哭”。

绝不是!他只是眼泪朝心里流(那时候的人居然有这样的本事)。对不起了,我只能做到没有声音。

我决定放上一张爷爷的照片,相信天堂没有隐私。

爷爷,无论你是资本家也好,是干部也好,我都怀念你!

Are Capitalists Considered “Cadres”?

Author: Huang Weike
Editor: Hu Lili Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: This is a true story. The author’s grandfather, a self-made businessman in old Shanghai, was labeled a “capitalist” after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. He suffered persecution, had his home ransacked, and faced social discrimination during the public-private partnership campaign and the Cultural Revolution. The author’s own fate was also affected as a result.

“Are capitalists considered ‘cadres’?” This was a question that plagued me throughout my childhood, and to this day, I still have no answer.

I was the only male grandson in my family’s generation, meaning I was the one who could carry on the family name. But my grandfather didn’t like me. I heard that the year I was born, he was dismissed from his position due to the “public-private partnership” campaign.

I believe he felt he’d been deceived after liberation. After the business he’d built from scratch was taken over by the government through public-private partnership, the new owners learned the ropes of running it and eventually pushed him out—despite his relatively high salary.

Because this happened around the same time I was born, I became a “harbinger of bad luck”—what Shanghainese call “bringing bad luck.”

Back then, everyone had to fill out countless forms, and every form had a section for “family background.” Every time this came up, there would be a heated argument at home. My uncles argued that my grandfather should be classified as a “cadre,” since he not only invested in the business but also managed it.

But in reality, he should have been listed as a “capitalist” or “bourgeoisie”—terms that sounded as taboo back then as “AIDS” or “rapist,” and often there wasn’t even enough space to write them out. We were limited to two-character categories: “worker,” “peasant,” “clerk”… .

Because of the “immoral deeds” he committed alone, the generations that followed had to suffer. I had no share in the “glory and wealth” of those days, yet it fell to me to bear the stigma.

Having grandfather and grandson under one roof should have been a good thing, but he disliked me, and I disliked him—and so we remained at an impasse every day.

It turned out there were other reasons why Grandfather was so gloomy all the time; as time went on, I learned more and more.

It wasn’t until 1950 that the sounds of gunfire from the siege of Shanghai reached us, but he had already bought a ticket to Singapore. When his mother heard he was going abroad, she swore she would throw herself against the wall and die right in front of him.

My great-grandmother had taken him in from an orphanage and raised him to adulthood. He had amassed a “small fortune” through hard work or luck—how could he possibly abandon his family and friends? Compounded by the government’s all-out propaganda campaign promoting “the merits of exploitation,” Grandpa decided to stay on the mainland to continue fulfilling his filial duty.

The nightmare went far beyond “exploitation”; he soon discovered his “sins” were far more grave. It turned out that even among Shanghai’s capitalists, there was a distinction between “legal” and “illegal”—and he belonged to the latter category.

In those turbulent times, to protect his family, Grandpa wanted to buy a handgun to keep at home. Back then, buying a gun required joining an organization, so he filled out a form. Because Grandma objected, the gun stayed at home for only one night.

And just like that, Grandpa found himself inexplicably enrolled in a “reactionary organization” (probably the “Three Youth Corps”), facing exile to Xinjiang. The propaganda at the time claimed “Xinjiang is a wonderful place,” where “you can eat as much as you want,” but the people of Shanghai remained skeptical.

The whole family—young and old, men and women—turned out at the train station to see him off. The children knelt on the platform, their cries filling the air. Grandfather knew what lay ahead—the odds were stacked against him—and as he waved to his family, it felt as though he were “marching bravely to his death.”

Just then, a neighborhood cadre he knew appeared and asked, “How did you end up here?” Grandpa replied, “I’m an illegal capitalist.” Because he was generally a kind man, this “official”—who frequently traveled between the two places—told him firmly, “You don’t qualify; you can’t go!”

By then, the train had already begun to move. His luggage was being tossed piece by piece onto the platform, so he had no choice but to jump off the train. Thanks to this serendipitous encounter with his “savior,” Grandpa’s story of Xinjiang never came to pass, and he later had the chance to die in Shanghai.

As mentioned earlier, Grandpa didn’t end up going to “Singapore” because of his stubborn mother, and later he didn’t go to “Xinjiang” because of a kind-hearted cadre. Although both places start with the character for “new,” had he gone to either one, the outcome would have been worlds apart.

Ever since I was a child, I’ve been curious: Grandpa was an orphan. How did he manage to amass such a fortune in Shanghai’s “International Settlement”? There must have been some “shady” dealings involved.

That’s how our generation was raised: Zhou Bapi would mimic a rooster’s crow in the dead of night, sending people out to work in the fields before dawn; Liu Wencai would use a mercury-tipped scale to shortchange tenants in his rent-collection courtyard.

No matter how much love the previous generation gave us, because of what we learned in school, we viewed them with a skeptical, even “hostile” gaze.

I remember once asking my mother-in-law, “Why don’t you ever wear gold or silver jewelry, when other women do?” She replied, “If I’d had that habit back then, I would have been crushed under the weight of all that gold and silver” (she said it with such conviction).

Was the family really that wealthy? Yes. My mother-in-law said that in their old house on Hunan Road, the landing of the staircase was large enough to set up a banquet table. Later, when their financial situation deteriorated, they moved to a smaller house on “Daxi Road” (today’s “Yan’an Road”) .

A few years ago, when I returned to Shanghai, I made a point of visiting the house where I grew up and took a photo there (see picture).

Back then, our family was in dire financial straits, and we often had to sell off some of our belongings. Even under such harsh material conditions, my grandmother still saved the best things for me, while my grandfather placed particular emphasis on my studies.

Back then, Shanghai had entrance exams for elementary school. One question featured two photos: one of the moon and the other of the sun. I heard that some children mistook the sun for an edible “flatbread.”

My grandfather even had me fill out the parent information form myself. I could not only write my parents’ names but also their workplace addresses, including the two difficult characters “師範” (China still used traditional Chinese characters at the time).

I gradually realized that Grandpa was a good man. The cultural foundation he laid for me—which, looking back today, feels as solid as “reinforced concrete”—brought me many honors, even though it was only during my early elementary school years.

Back then, I wondered to myself: Why did Grandpa used to “exploit” others?

资本家算“干部”吗?

Grandpa never spoke a word about his “exploitative” past.

Driven by my curiosity, and with so many family members, I pieced together Grandpa’s “rise to wealth” story.

I sensed that there was almost no element of “exploitation,” or very little. If there was any, he exploited Americans more than he did Chinese people.

Before arriving in Shanghai, Grandpa had lived in an orphanage run by a Buddhist temple. He was fortunate enough to be adopted by the Huang family and brought to Shanghai, but he had no money and absolutely no business connections.

His first job was at a trading company run by Americans, which required him to learn English to communicate with his superiors. To support his mother, he began parroting English phrases.

Grandfather did, however, possess one truly unique talent: he had exquisite calligraphy skills, his brushwork as flawless as the calligraphy manuals sold in bookstores—a skill he likely honed during his time at the monastery.

Later, he developed a passion for Peking Opera; not only could he sing, but he could also play the erhu.

Once he had saved a little money, he would host “private performances” during festivals, inviting a group of Peking Opera stars and amateur enthusiasts to his home. As the host, he would perform both singing and playing the erhu, which set him apart from other businessmen in Shanghai.

Back then, he ran a warehouse that stored not only small daily necessities but also surplus goods shipped from the United States. Savvy merchants were reluctant to sail empty ships to Shanghai to restock, so they often shipped items with no immediate buyers.

The goods in the warehouse were often loose or damaged, and a certain percentage of loss was allowed. My family told me that whatever was in the warehouse was what we had at home; we never had to worry about food or daily necessities,

because warehouse rent increased over time. American merchants would often abandon their inventory to offset their overdue rent—once it was a warehouse full of cotton, another time a warehouse full of coal.

My grandfather thus engaged in “business without capital” and “struck it rich” in this way.

Someone of my grandfather’s “social background” was inevitably a “participant” in every political campaign. The events that affected him most were the People’s Commune movement and the Cultural Revolution.

The “People’s Commune” movement spread from the countryside to the cities, while the “Cultural Revolution” moved from the cities to the countryside.

During the People’s Commune movement in Shanghai at that time, they needed a lot of property to set up schools, and they always tried to “talk and persuade” my grandfather. I’ve always wondered how they managed to get him to willingly sign the papers and “donate” part of his property.

“Exploitation” is a crime in itself, one that should be punished by imprisonment. Now, instead of sending you to prison, they simply ask you to give up a portion of your ill-gotten gains—which means that tomorrow, ten strangers will move into your home.

I still remember living on the second floor; the original living room and dining room had disappeared, and even the balcony was used as a living space. The greatest luxury was that our family had a private kitchen downstairs, while other families had to share one among five or six households.

Back then, housing was extremely scarce in Shanghai. Our family’s garage was converted into a two-story unit, with one family living upstairs and another downstairs—even the boiler room was occupied by a family.

As a child, I lived on the second-floor balcony. Whenever I played the violin and kept time, the “working-class” neighbors on the balcony below would shout and yell.

Later, when Shanghai implemented its housing policies, the property was technically returned to its original owners, but not a single penny in rent was paid. Because the housing management office required the owners to cover all the repair costs accumulated over the years, the owners actually ended up “owing money.”

There was a peculiar phenomenon back then: the stairwells, hallways, kitchens, and bathrooms were very dim, yet there were many light switches and pull cords. When I was a child, my greatest fear was accidentally turning on someone else’s light.

The neighbors back then were one kinder than the next, but also one poorer than the next; being “petty and nitpicky” was simply a matter of necessity.

China’s largest political movement of the last century—the “Cultural Revolution,” a decade-long catastrophe—finally began. It was a summer in 1966; it felt like the sky had suddenly darkened. The streets of Shanghai were filled with Red Guards dressed in military uniforms, though without rank insignia or cap badges.

The elderly and children who usually sat outside to cool off all sensed that something ominous was in the air that day—that something major was about to happen.

Chanting the slogan “Destroy the Four Olds, Establish the Four News,” the Red Guards urged everyone to bring out anything associated with feudal superstition or Western culture. People on the streets were busy smashing statues of deities and pianos.

My family brought out all our statues of Bodhisattvas and Guanyin; even our red, green, and yellow “Long Live the Leader” rice bowls and plates were not spared. We had to carry them to the middle of the street and smash them to pieces. To this day, I still remember that piercing sound.

Men and women on the streets were in a panic, unsure which of their belongings constituted the “Four Olds”; the Red Guards had become the de facto judges.

People wearing gold-rimmed glasses were stopped by the Red Guards; their glasses were forcibly removed and stomped to pieces. Many begged to keep the “innocent” lenses, so that those with severe myopia could still hold two pieces of glass on their way home.

There were also strict requirements for the length of men’s and women’s pant legs: men’s must be no shorter than six inches, and women’s no shorter than four inches. Any pant legs that didn’t meet these standards were cut off, leaving men and women on the streets wearing split-legged pants.

The resourcefulness of the people of Shanghai was beyond imagination. Many who were at work at the time used the telephone to alert one another, allowing them to unpick the seams of their pant legs in advance.

I later learned that Mao Zedong had already lost power in Beijing and had come to Shanghai to “mobilize the masses for revolution.” He later published “My Big-Character Poster.”

The Red Guards vowed to “smash the old world to pieces and create a new one.” In the end, even the old man couldn’t take it anymore and was forced to hit the brakes, declaring, “Use the past for the present; use foreign things for China.”

The streets were littered with smashed statues of Guanyin and burning pianos and records—it looked just like a scene from “World War II.”

Grandpa’s expression was very somber; I felt I saw “the end of the world” in his eyes. Little did I know that in the end, it would become “his own end.”

The “Cultural Revolution” had begun, and life grew increasingly difficult. Should we return to our parents’ home in the mainland? They were intellectuals, the “stinking ninth category”—it was better to stay in Shanghai.

Around this time, Grandpa also found work. Every day, he would deliberately dress like a “Old-School Gentleman” (known in Shanghainese as “Lao Dik”), humming tunes as he swept the streets.

I passed him every day on my way to and from school. I still remember him in his light-colored suit and those three-tone pointed-toe leather shoes trimmed with crocodile skin.

My afternoon job was writing revolutionary slogans. The alley residents didn’t want the Red Guards, but they insisted on this capitalist—so I was in charge of folding and cutting the paper before writing.

By then, the grain and coal shops had already stopped delivering to “Five Black Categories” families. I was very young, but I actually figured out how to make a handcart out of a wooden plank and four bearings to haul heavy loads.

Later, we lost even the right to use honeycomb coal (which Shanghainese call “coal cakes”). We’d buy coal, crush it into fragments, and then mold it into coal balls using yellow mud.

I was not yet ten—my hands were too small and weak—so the coal balls I made didn’t burn long. Shanghai winters are damp and cold, and my hands became red and swollen, covered in frostbite.……

Back then, I believed suffering was inevitable; after all, that was how my grandfather had “exploited others” in his day.

But what I found most unbearable as a young child—aside from the neighbors—were the cold stares and humiliating remarks from strangers whenever I walked down the street carrying rice and coal.

There was a popular saying across the country at the time: “Father is dear, mother is dear, but none as dear as Chairman Mao.” I’ve never been entirely convinced by it, largely because of the following two incidents (which have kept me thinking).

One of our neighbors was also a member of the bourgeoisie. I saw her take a large plastic-bound “Little Red Book” (Quotations from Chairman Mao) on a picnic; after it rained, she placed it on a rock and sat right on top of it.

Grandpa also pointed at a portrait of Chairman Mao and said, “I’m a good person; he’s a bad person.” Because of these “reactionary words and deeds,” I often couldn’t sleep at night.

Apart from the violent clashes that occurred everywhere, “home raids” in Shanghai might be considered another distinctive feature—something today’s young people would find hard to imagine.

“Home raids” meant a group of people would come to your house, ransack your belongings, and take away anything of value, completely disregarding the national constitution’s principle that “private property is sacred and inviolable.”

A group of children of high-ranking officials from Beijing, known as the “Joint Action” (shortened to “Lian Dong”), came to Shanghai to raid the homes of any prominent figures at will. I heard that beating people with the metal buckles of belts was also their invention.

The trash bins in our neighborhood were right in the middle, and back then, we would often see jewelry boxes and mahjong sets there—some people had moved their gold and silver treasures to safety, while others had simply thrown them into the trash.

Villa No. 12 belonged to the owner of a dye factory and was occupied by an elderly man and a housekeeper. The Red Guards raiding the home discovered that the housekeeper, named Ju Hua, was hiding gold and silver treasures for her employer. They ordered her to stand on a stool and beat her until she was screaming in agony; the bamboo stick they used to beat her even split open.

Our home was ransacked for three full days. The Red Guards were quite polite when they arrived—perhaps because they weren’t familiar with this “boss” who had long since been fired, or maybe they’d heard that Grandpa had once treated his employees well.

But the Red Guards quickly found the gold and silver treasures Grandpa had hidden—inside the bamboo poles used for hanging laundry and in the coal ash from the stove at night. It turned out these were the most popular hiding spots back then.

My grandmother-in-law quickly handed over all the jewelry she had hidden. The Red Guards employed an effective method of coercion, saying, “The old man has already confessed. Are you going to go to prison for him? He’ll just find other women out there.”

Before the raid, I was also assigned a task: to hide a “fire oil diamond.” I wrapped it around a leftover ball of yarn. Whenever the Red Guards turned the yarn drawer upside down and scattered it all over the floor, I would go pick up the yarn and put it back in place.

This became the only treasure our family managed to save. Later, we sold it at a bargain price through a friend in the countryside, which allowed the whole family to “strike it rich” once more—enough to travel to Suzhou and Hangzhou, where we ate well and enjoyed ourselves.

I remember that final evening: they gathered around a large round table, using a “money scale” to weigh and tally the gold and silver jewelry. The inventory listed the quantities and weights, as if they were being turned over to the state treasury.

The subsequent house raids in Shanghai were conducted in a more “official” manner, carried out by Red Guards from the work units rather than the student Red Guards of the early days. Zhou Enlai’s government work report stated that the goods seized in Shanghai were not enough to build an airport—so “they looted things and still thought it wasn’t enough”?

Later, the confiscated goods were returned, but they had to be sold to the state at prices that were a joke.

I suppose I was the first witness to the “cruelty” of the capitalists. I can say with confidence that at least not everyone was like that.

Grandpa had always been kind to everyone, whether they were strangers or acquaintances. Back then, there were many refugees from Anhui fleeing famine in Shanghai, and Grandpa would give them whatever food and supplies were left in our home.

There was also a young cobbler near our doorstep. He had a baby face, and his family was extremely poor because he had so many children. Grandfather would tell me to give him small items from our home.

Not only with people, but even with animals, Grandfather was always like this. Back then, people in Shanghai had no entertainment and enjoyed fighting crickets (Shanghainese call them “miji”). He told me this game was too cruel.

In those days, no one would befriend my grandfather; anyone who approached him was suspected of having the wrong political stance. Yet he actually befriended a few stray cats, bringing them home at night to eat our leftovers.

Now that I’m getting on in years, I still feel a deep sense of fear when I think of those stray cats’ glowing green eyes in the darkness.

After the Cultural Revolution ended, my uncle and I went to the countryside in Zhejiang to visit our family’s former servants. To get there, we had to take a long-distance bus; after arriving at the county bus station, we still had to ride a bicycle for over half an hour.

My uncle met “Water Buffalo,” who had grown up with him. Back then, Water Buffalo was just a child; his father was in charge of leading several laborers who took care of the Huang family’s every need.

Water Buffalo led us back to his home from the village entrance, and I finally had the chance to meet someone who had been directly exploited.

Shuiniu’s father asked my uncle, “How has the young master been lately?” My uncle replied that he had passed away long ago. On the spot, the man collapsed to the floor from the stove, crying out in anguish, “He was a good man!” After that, he told many stories about my grandfather.

This was an “assessment” of his exploiter by the exploited—I could hardly believe my eyes or my ears.

During the Cultural Revolution, a “chicken blood therapy” became popular in Shanghai, which involved drawing blood from young roosters and injecting it into people.

Neighbors began raising chickens one after another. Their kitchens were too cramped, so they moved the chicken coops into our kitchen.

I asked my mother-in-law why we couldn’t get the chicken blood injections, and she replied that we had no clinic. Yes, our entire family had no access to medical care whatsoever.

Grandfather, suffering from long-term untreated hypertension, was left paralyzed on one side after a stroke. When he was hungry, he would slap his thigh and cry out, “Three fen for a flatbread!”

My parents kept writing letters urging me to leave Shanghai and return to the mainland as soon as possible; my father simply couldn’t bear the overwhelming barrage of big-character posters.

His charge was “raising his son in a bourgeois family to nurture a scum of the exploiting class.”

After waiting for several months, someone finally agreed to take me by train back to Sichuan. At the time, the train would stop overnight in Xi’an, and a child of my age couldn’t possibly travel alone.

Grandpa’s condition showed no signs of improvement, yet he still hobbled his way to the entrance of the alley to see me off. Both grandfather and grandson knew this would be our “last farewell”…

One day shortly after returning to the mainland, I came home from school for lunch to find a brief telegram on the table. The whole family sat in silence.

I looked at my father and thought to myself: If you cry, I’ll cry too (my tears were already ready). To my surprise, my father “didn’t cry.”

Not at all! He was simply letting his tears flow inward (people back then actually had that ability). I’m sorry, but I could only manage to remain silent.

I’ve decided to post a photo of Grandpa here, believing that there is no privacy in heaven.

Grandpa, whether you were a capitalist or a cadre, I miss you!

拒绝跨国暴政:从洛杉矶法院起诉案看自由红线的守卫

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拒绝跨国暴政:从洛杉矶法院起诉案看自由红线的守卫

作者:赵文龙

编辑:周志刚 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

2026年3月10日,洛杉矶刑事司法中心(Clara Shortridge Foltz Criminal Justice Center)门前,一群身着素色、神情坚毅的人士集结于此。他们不是为了旁听普通的刑事案件,而是为了在这片自由的土地上,向中共渗透势力的代理人发起法治的反击。

这起针对中共领事馆雇佣的安保负责人吴宪的听证会,绝非简单的肢体冲突诉讼,它是一场关于“长臂管辖”与“跨国镇压”的正面遭遇战:当中共试图将其在国内横行霸道的暴力手段移植到美利坚合众国的街头时,正义的防线将如何反击?

暴力的代理人:中共“跨国镇压”的新面具

长期以来,中共土匪组织在海外的迫害手段不断翻新。从早期的秘密特工监视,到利用网络水军抹黑,再到如今公然雇佣本地安保力量对和平示威者进行人身伤害。

在此次案件中,吴宪被指控对和平游行的中国民主党员喷射胡椒喷雾并进行人格辱骂。这种行为绝非偶然。胡椒喷雾喷射出的不仅仅是刺激性液体,更是极权主义的傲慢。其逻辑是:只要受命于中共,就可以无视当地法律,可以在文明社会公然动武,试图以此吓阻那些敢于说出真相的人。这种通过代理人执行的暴力,是中共“跨国镇压”(Transnational Repression)链条上的关键环节,旨在将恐惧输出到全世界。

法律的屏障:美国宪法第一修正案不容侵犯

美国之所以成为民主的堡垒,其核心在于对言论自由与和平示威权利的极致尊重。宪法第一修正案(First Amendment)明确规定,政府不得剥夺人民和平集会及向政府请愿的权利。

正如在法院门前抗议的中国民主党员所展示的那样,他们是在行使美国宪法赋予的合法权利。而受雇于中领馆的安保负责人动用武力,本质上是在向美国的司法主权发起挑战。如果在洛杉矶的街头,和平示威的公民可以被中共的代理人随意凌辱而无需付出代价,那么美国的民主将名存实亡。

3月10日上午的听证会,不仅是受害者维护个人合法权利的契机,更是美国司法体系证明其独立性与公正性的关键时刻。支持这起诉讼,就是支持每个人在这片土地上都可以不用担心暴力报复而自由发声的底线。

觉醒的抗争:从沉默到拿起法律武器

这张照片记录了历史性的一幕:站在法院前的民主党员们,手中举着“这里不欢迎来自中国的政治暴力”(Political Violence From China Is Not Welcome Here)和“停止中共跨国镇压”(Stop CCP Transnational Repression)的标语。

这代表了海外民主力量的一种觉醒。面对中共的海外迫害,我们不再仅仅是控诉和忍受,而是学会了利用自由社会的司法工具,将躲在暗处的施暴者拉向审判台。这种从街头抗议到法庭起诉的转变,是成熟的民主参与方式,也是对极权组织最有效的回击。

中共习惯于用金钱收买代理人,用暴力威慑反对者,但它最害怕的,是法治的阳光照亮其阴暗的勾当。当吴宪这种代理人不得不面对美国的法律制裁时,他背后的中共组织也将感到前所未有的压力——在这里,权力无法凌驾于法律之上。

结语:正义终将回归自由的土地

中共的海外渗透正如其在国内的统治一样,充斥着流氓习气与黑箱操作。但这里是洛杉矶,不是北京;这里有独立的法院,没有听命于党的判官。

我们强烈呼吁美国司法机关对此类涉嫌跨国镇压的暴力行为予以严惩。每一支射向示威者的胡椒喷雾,都必须换回一张法律的传票。同时,我们也向所有在恐吓面前挺身而出的中国民主党员致敬。你们在法院门前的集结,不仅是在为受害者求索正义,更是在为所有热爱自由的人们守卫那条神圣不可侵犯的红线。

自由不会自行延续,它需要每一位公民在面对暴政渗透时,都能勇敢地站出来说:NO!

拒绝跨国暴政:从洛杉矶法院起诉案看自由红线的守卫

Rejecting Transnational Tyranny: Defending the Boundaries of Freedom Through a Lawsuit in a Los Angeles Court

Author: Zhao Wenlong

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: On March 10, 2026, a hearing began regarding Wu Xian, the head of security employed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) consulate. The author calls on U.S. judicial authorities to severely punish the CCP’s violent suppression and put an end to its transnational repression.

On March 10, 2026, a group of people dressed in plain clothes and with determined expressions gathered in front of the Clara Shortridge Foltz Criminal Justice Center in Los Angeles. They were not there to observe an ordinary criminal case, but to launch a legal counterattack against agents of the CCP’s infiltrating forces on this land of freedom.

This hearing against Wu Xian, the security chief hired by the Chinese Consulate, is by no means a simple lawsuit over a physical altercation; it is a head-on clash concerning “long-arm jurisdiction” and “transnational suppression”: When the CCP attempts to transplant the violent methods it uses to run rampant domestically onto the streets of the United States, how will the front lines of justice fight back?

Agents of Violence: The CCP’s New Mask of “Transnational Suppression”

For a long time, the CCP’s thuggish organization has continually reinvented its methods of persecution overseas. From early-stage surveillance by secret agents, to smear campaigns using online trolls, to the current practice of openly hiring local security forces to inflict physical harm on peaceful protesters.

In this case, Wu Xian is accused of spraying pepper spray at peaceful Chinese Democratic Party members and verbally abusing them. Such behavior is by no means accidental. The pepper spray released is not merely an irritating liquid; it is the arrogance of totalitarianism. The logic is this: as long as one acts on the orders of the CCP, one can disregard local laws and openly use force in a civilized society, attempting to intimidate those who dare to speak the truth. This violence carried out through proxies is a crucial link in the CCP’s chain of “transnational repression,” aimed at exporting fear across the globe.

The Shield of the Law: The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution Is Inviolable

The core of what makes the United States a bastion of democracy lies in its utmost respect for freedom of speech and the right to peaceful assembly. The First Amendment explicitly states that the government shall not deprive the people of their right to assemble peacefully and petition the government.

As demonstrated by the Chinese Democratic Party members protesting outside the courthouse, they were exercising the legitimate rights granted to them by the U.S. Constitution. The use of force by the security chief employed by the Chinese Consulate is, in essence, a challenge to U.S. judicial sovereignty. If citizens peacefully demonstrating on the streets of Los Angeles can be arbitrarily abused by agents of the CCP without consequence, then American democracy will exist in name only.

The hearing on the morning of March 10 is not only an opportunity for the victims to defend their individual legal rights, but also a critical moment for the U.S. judicial system to demonstrate its independence and impartiality. Supporting this lawsuit means upholding the fundamental principle that everyone on this land can speak freely without fear of violent retaliation.

An Awakened Struggle: From Silence to Wielding the Weapons of the Law

This photograph captures a historic moment: Democratic Party members standing in front of the courthouse, holding signs reading “Political Violence From China Is Not Welcome Here” and “Stop CCP Transnational Repression.”

This represents an awakening among democratic forces overseas. Faced with the CCP’s persecution abroad, we no longer merely denounce and endure; instead, we have learned to utilize the legal tools of free societies to bring the perpetrators hiding in the shadows to justice. This shift from street protests to court proceedings is a mature form of democratic participation and the most effective response to totalitarian organizations.

The CCP is accustomed to buying off proxies with money and intimidating opponents with violence, but what it fears most is the light of the rule of law shining on its shadowy dealings. When proxies like Wu Xian are forced to face legal sanctions in the United States, the CCP organization behind him will also feel unprecedented pressure—here, power cannot stand above the law.

Conclusion: Justice Will Ultimately Return to the Land of Freedom

The CCP’s overseas infiltration, much like its domestic rule, is rife with thuggish behavior and secretive dealings. But this is Los Angeles, not Beijing; here, there are independent courts, not judges who take orders from the Party.

We strongly urge the U.S. judicial authorities to severely punish such acts of violence suspected of transnational suppression. Every can of pepper spray fired at protesters must be met with a legal summons. At the same time, we pay tribute to all Chinese democrats who have stood up in the face of intimidation. Your gathering before the courthouse is not only a quest for justice for the victims, but also a defense of that sacred and inviolable red line for all who cherish freedom.

Freedom does not perpetuate itself; it requires every citizen to bravely stand up and say “NO!” in the face of tyranny’s encroachment.

拒绝跨国暴政:从洛杉矶法院起诉案看自由红线的守卫

枷锁下的风骨:从洛杉矶抗争看黎智英案与中共的末路狂奔

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枷锁下的风骨:从洛杉矶抗争看黎智英案与中共的末路狂奔

作者:赵文龙

编辑:周志刚 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

2026年2月15日,在南加州明媚却透着寒意的阳光下,一群中国民主党成员集结在洛杉矶中共领事馆前。他们手中举着的,是那位年近八旬、满头白发的守望者——黎智英的照片。这不仅仅是一场跨越太平洋的声援,更是一场关于自由意志与极权压迫的文明对垒。

作为一名长期关注中国政治与中国人权状况的中国民主党员,我必须指出:黎智英案不仅是香港法治的“葬礼”,更是中共这个独裁组织在面对现代文明价值时,因极度恐惧而陷入的末路狂奔。

欲加之罪:当新闻自由变成“危害安全”

黎智英,一位白手起家的企业家,本可以在晚年含饴弄孙、颐养天年。但他选择了留守。他创办的《苹果日报》曾是香港自由精神的灯塔,而今却成了中共口中的“反华基地”。中共以所谓的《香港国安法》对其进行政治审判,指控其“勾结外国势力”。

这何其荒谬!在一个健康的社会里,媒体监督政府、与国际社会交流是再正常不过的民主运作;但在中共的语境下,任何不愿下跪、不愿合唱的独立声音,都被冠以“卖国”之名。黎智英受审,审判的不是某一个人的罪行,而是审判香港曾经拥有的新闻自由、言论自由和司法独立。

独裁者的恐惧:为什么他们如此害怕一个老人?

中共土匪组织之所以不顾国际社会的严厉制裁,执意对黎智英进行政治迫害,根源在于其内心深处对“真话”的极度恐惧。

黎智英代表的是一种不屈的道德力量。他曾直言:“我是一个有信仰的人,我不能违背我的良知。”对于一个依靠谎言维持统治、依靠恐惧驯服人民的政权来说,这种基于信仰和良知的坚定,是比任何武器都令其颤栗的威胁。中共判刑黎智英,是试图通过“杀鸡儆猴”向全世界宣告:在它的权力辐射范围内,绝不允许存在不受掌控的灵魂。

然而,这种高压统治恰恰暴露了中共政权的脆弱。一个强大的国家不需要监狱来禁锢思想,只有内心虚弱、合法性缺失的独裁者,才需要通过摧毁一个垂暮之年的老人来维持其所谓的“稳定”。

全球联动:正义的力量在洛杉矶集结

今年2月15日的这场抗议,其意义远超行动本身。当中国民主党的同仁在洛杉矶中领馆门前喊出“港人无罪、中共放人”的口号时,他们实际上是在修补那条被中共试图切断的自由阵线。

长期以来,中共试图将香港问题简化为“内政”,试图用民族主义的叙事来掩盖其反人类、反自由的本质。但洛杉矶的抗争者们用行动告诉世界:追求自由是人类的共性,无论是在维多利亚港还是在圣塔莫尼卡海滩,反对暴政、要求法治的声音是跨越国界的。黎智英不仅是香港的黎智英,他是全球民主阵营中一面不倒的旗帜。

结语:历史终将判决独裁者有罪

我们中国民主党在此强烈要求中共政权:立即、无条件释放黎智英!停止对香港民主派人士、维权律师及所有良心犯的政治迫害。

独裁者或许可以查封报纸,可以封锁网络,甚至可以把义士投入深牢大狱,但他们永远无法囚禁人心对光明和自由的渴望。历史的审判台早已搭建完毕,正如黎智英在狱中所展现的坚韧,真正有罪的绝不是追求自由的人,而是那些躲在铁幕后,妄图逆转历史车轮的独裁爪牙。

黎智英先生,请保重。世界各地的同仁正与你一同守候黎明。中共的暴政终将崩塌,而自由的精神将如洛杉矶的阳光一般,终会照彻神州大地。

枷锁下的风骨:从洛杉矶抗争看黎智英案与中共的末路狂奔

Integrity Under Shackles: The Jimmy Lai Case and the CCP’s Desperate Rush Toward Ruin, as Seen Through the Los Angeles Protests

Author: Zhao Wenlong

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: On February 15, 2026, members of the China Democracy Party gathered in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles to show solidarity with Jimmy Lai. This article analyzes why the CCP fears Jimmy Lai.

On February 15, 2026, under the bright yet chilly Southern California sun, a group of members of the China Democracy Party gathered in front of the Chinese Communist Party Consulate in Los Angeles. In their hands, they held photographs of Jimmy Lai—the nearly 80-year-old, white-haired guardian. This was not merely a show of solidarity across the Pacific; it was a clash of civilizations between free will and totalitarian oppression.

As a member of the China Democracy Party who has long followed Chinese politics and the human rights situation in China, I must point out: The Jimmy Lai case is not only the “funeral” of the rule of law in Hong Kong, but also the desperate, frantic rush of the CCP—a dictatorial organization—driven by extreme fear in the face of modern civilizational values.

Fabricating Charges: When Press Freedom Becomes a “Threat to National Security”

Jimmy Lai, a self-made entrepreneur, could have spent his twilight years enjoying his grandchildren and living out his days in peace. But he chose to stay. The Apple Daily, which he founded, was once a beacon of Hong Kong’s spirit of freedom, yet today it has become what the CCP calls an “anti-China base.” The CCP is subjecting him to a political trial under the so-called Hong Kong National Security Law, accusing him of “colluding with foreign forces.”

How utterly absurd! In a healthy society, media oversight of the government and engagement with the international community are the most normal aspects of democratic functioning; but in the CCP’s narrative, any independent voice that refuses to kneel or sing in unison is branded a “traitor.” Jimmy Lai’s trial is not a judgment on the crimes of a single individual, but a judgment on the press freedom, freedom of speech, and judicial independence that Hong Kong once possessed.

The Dictator’s Fear: Why Are They So Afraid of an Old Man?

The root cause of why the CCP’s gangster organization persists in politically persecuting Jimmy Lai despite severe sanctions from the international community lies in its deep-seated, extreme fear of “the truth.”

Jimmy Lai represents an unyielding moral force. He once stated plainly: “I am a man of faith; I cannot go against my conscience.” For a regime that relies on lies to maintain its rule and on fear to subjugate its people, this steadfastness rooted in faith and conscience is a threat that makes it tremble more than any weapon. By sentencing Jimmy Lai, the CCP is attempting to send a message to the world through an act of “making an example of him”: within the reach of its power, no soul beyond its control will be tolerated.

However, this high-pressure rule precisely exposes the fragility of the CCP regime. A strong nation does not need prisons to imprison thought; only a dictator who is weak at heart and lacks legitimacy needs to destroy an elderly man in his twilight years to maintain his so-called “stability.”

Global Solidarity: The Forces of Justice Gather in Los Angeles

The significance of the protest on February 15 of this year extends far beyond the action itself. When members of the China Democracy Party chanted “Hong Kongers are innocent, CCP release them” outside the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, they were effectively mending the front lines of freedom that the CCP had attempted to sever.

For a long time, the CCP has sought to reduce the Hong Kong issue to a matter of “internal affairs,” attempting to use a nationalist narrative to mask its anti-human and anti-freedom nature. But the protesters in Los Angeles have shown the world through their actions: the pursuit of freedom is a universal human trait. Whether in Victoria Harbour or on Santa Monica Beach, the voices opposing tyranny and demanding the rule of law transcend national borders. Jimmy Lai is not merely Hong Kong’s Jimmy Lai; he is an unwavering banner within the global democratic camp.

Conclusion: History Will Ultimately Convict the Dictators

We, the China Democratic Party, hereby strongly demand that the CCP regime: immediately and unconditionally release Jimmy Lai! Cease the political persecution of Hong Kong’s pro-democracy activists, human rights lawyers, and all prisoners of conscience.

Dictators may be able to shut down newspapers, block the internet, and even throw righteous men into deep dungeons, but they can never imprison the human heart’s yearning for light and freedom. The historical judgment seat has long been set up. Just as Jimmy Lai has demonstrated his resilience in prison, those who are truly guilty are not those who pursue freedom, but the dictatorial henchmen hiding behind the iron curtain who foolishly attempt to turn back the wheels of history.

Mr. Jimmy Lai, please take care of yourself. Colleagues around the world stand with you, awaiting the dawn. The CCP’s tyranny will eventually crumble, and the spirit of freedom will, like the sunshine of Los Angeles, ultimately illuminate the land of China.

枷锁下的风骨:从洛杉矶抗争看黎智英案与中共的末路狂奔

湾区 3月15日 圣何塞市政厅抗议习近平修宪八周年

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湾区 3月15日 圣何塞市政厅抗议习近平修宪八周年
湾区 3月15日 圣何塞市政厅抗议习近平修宪八周年

活动主题:抗议习近平修宪八周年

2018年3月,注定是中国近代史上极有纪念价值的一个月。习近平修改了宪法,原本轮流坐庄的政治体制瞬间的倒回到独裁体制。山河变色,历史的倒车从14亿中国人头上碾压而过,曾经的改革开放,经济挂帅,蒸蒸日上的景象顷刻间化作齑粉。集权,个人崇拜,借着反腐的名义大肆清洗,种种罪恶,罄竹难书!习近平想用高压独裁统治,在中国人头上再蓄上辫子,想在中国人心里再立起一个皇帝。我们!绝不同意!

活动组织:中国民主人权联盟旧金山分部

活动策划:李海风 惠汝涛

活动联络:张勇 6265816991

活动时间:2026年3月15日 2-4点pm

活动地点:圣何塞市政厅

导航地址:200 E Santa Clara St San Jose, CA 95113